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LIFE 

OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

COMMANDER IN CHIEF 



ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THROUGHOUT 
THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THEIR 

INDEPENDENCE ; 



FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 



BY DAVID RAMSAY, M.D. 

Author of the History of the American Revolution, 



SECOND EDITION. 



PUBLISHED BY D. MALLORY AND CO. 

Sold by them, and B. B. Hopkins and Co W. W. Woodward, and A. Finley and Co. Philadel- 
phia ; P H. Nicklin, Baltimore ; D. W. Farrand and Greene, Albany ; Beers and Howe, 
and I. Cook and Co. New Haven ; O D. Cook, Hartford ; A Lyman and Co. 
Portland ; Swift and Chapman, Middlebury, Vermont. 

1811. 
S, Etheridge, jun. Printer. 






B 1 



DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT ; 

District Clerk's Office. 

[E it remembered, that on the thirtieth day of May, a d 1811, 

and in the thirty fifth yearofthe Independence of the United 

States of America, I) MTallory ami (,'<> of the said district, havedi - 

posited in this office the title pfa book, the right whereof they claim 

as proprietors, in the words following, to wit; 

"The Life of George Washington, Commander in Chief of the Armies 

" of the United States of America, throughout the war which estah- 

" lished their Independence, and first President of the United States. 

" l>\ David Ramsay, -M !) author of the History of the American 

" Revolution. Second edition." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, 
•' V ii act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies ot 
maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, 
during the times therein mentioned ;" and also to an act, entitled, " An 
act supplementary to an act, entitled, An act fir the encouragement oi 
learning, h\ securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to th< au- 
thors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mention- 
ed; and extending tin- beru tit; tin reof to the arts of designing, cngrav 
ing, and etching historical and other prii is " 

WA1. S. SHAW, Clerk of the District ofMasaach 






1 



THE YOUTH 

OF THE UNITED STATES, IN THE HOPE THAT, FROM THE 

EXAMPLE 

OF THEIR COMMON FATHER, 

THEY WILL LEARN TO DO AND SUFFER 

WHATEVER 

THEIR COUNTRY'S GOOD 

MAY REQUIRE AT THEIR HANDS, THE FOLLOWING LIFE OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

IS MOST AFFECTIONATELY 
INSCRIBED, 



BY THE 



AUTHOR. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Of George Washington's birth, family, and education. Of his mission 
to the French commandant on the Ohio, in 1753. His military oper- 
ations as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, and his subse- 
quent employments to the commencement of the American revolu- 
tion, page 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war. Of George 
Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775. As Com- 
mander in Chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 1775 and 
1776, and his opei'ations near Boston, in these years, - - - p. 25 

CHAPTER III. 

CAMPAIGN OF 177G. 
Of the operations of General Washington in New York and New Jer- 
sey. The battle on Long Island. The retreat from York Island and 
through Jersey. The battles of Trenton and Princeton, - - p. 42 

CHAPTER IV. 

*r CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

Of the operations of General Washington in N< Jersey and PennsyL 
vania, in the campaign of 1777 The battles of Brandy wine and Ger- 
mantown. Washington is advised by the Rev. Jacob Duche, to give 
up the contest. The distresses of the American army. Its winter 
quarters in Valley Forge. Gen. Washington is assailed by the clam- 
ours of discontented individuals and public bodies, and by the designs 
of a faction to supersede him in his office as Commander in Chief, p. 7-3 

CHAPTER V. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 
General Washington prepares for the campaign of 1778. Surprises the 
British, and defeats them at Monmouth. Arrests General Lee. 



i 



VI CONTENTS. 

Calms the irritation excited by the departure of the French fleet 
from Rhode Island to Boston. Dissuades from an invasion of Can- 
ada, p. 102 

CHAPTER VI. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 
The distresses of the American army. Gen. Washington calms the un- 
easiness in the Jersey line. Finds great difficulty in supporting his 
troops and concentrating their force. Makes a disposition of them 
with a view to the security of West Point. Directs an expedition 
against the Six Nations of Indians, and for the reduction of Stony 
Point Paules Hook taken. A French fleet, expected to the north- 
ward, arrives on the coast of Georgia. Washington, unequal to of- 
fensive operations, retires into winter quarters, ----- p. 124 

CHAPTER VII. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1T80. 
Gen. Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island. Gives an 
opinion against risking an army for the defence of Charleston, S C. 
Finds great difficulty in supporting his army. Kniphausen invades 
Jersey, hut is prevented from injuring the American stores. Mar- 
quis de la Fayette arrives, and gives assurances that a French fleet 
and army might soon be expected on the American coast. Knerget- 
ic measures of co-operation resolved upon, but so languidly executed, 
that Washington predicts the necessity of a more efficient system of 
national government A French fleet and army arrives, and a com- 
bined operation against New York is resolved upon, but the arrival of 
a superior British fleet deranges the whole plan, p. 141 

CHAPTER VIII. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 
The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey troops follow their exam- 
ple, but are quelled by decisive measures. Gen. Washington com- 
mences a military journal, detailing the wants and distresses of his 
army. Is invited to the defence of his native state, Virginia, but de- 
clines. Reprimands the manager of his private estate for furnishing 
the enemy with supplies, to prevent the destruction of his property. 
Extinguishes the incipient flames of a civil war, respecting the inde- 
pendence of the state of Vermont Plans a combined operation 
agaiust the British, and deputes Lieut. Col. John Laurens to solicit 



CONTENTS. Vll 

the co-operation of the French. The combined forces of both nations 
rendezvous in the Chesapeak, and take lord Cornwallis and his arm)' 
prisoners of war. Washington returns to the -vicinity of New York, 
and urges the necessity of preparing for a new campaign) - - p. 160 

CHAPTER IX. 

1782 and 1783. 
Prospects of peace. Languor of the states. Discontents of the army. 
Gen. Washington prevents the adoption of rash measures. Some new 
levies in Pennsylvania mutiny, and are quelled. Washington recom- 
mends measures for the preservation of independence, peace, liberty, 
and happiness. Dismisses his army. Enters New York. Takes 
leave of his officers. Settles his accounts. Repairs to Annapolis. 
Resigns his commission. Retires to Mount Vernon, and resumes his 
agricultural pursuits, - -------p. 190 

CHAPTER X. 

General Washington, on retiring from public life, devotes himself to 
agricultural pursuits. Favours inland navigation. Declines offered 
emoluments from it. Urges an alteration of the fundamental rules 
of the society of the Cincinnati. Regrets the defects of the federal 
system, and recommends a revisal of it. Is appointed a member of 
the continental convention for that purpose, which, after hesitation, 
he accepts. Is chosen president thereof. Is solicited to accept the 
presidency of the United States. Writes sundry letters expressive of 
the conflict in his mind, between duty and inclination. Answers ap- 
plicants for offices. His reluctance to enter on public life, - p. 244 

CHAPTER XL 

Washington elected president. On his way to the seat of government 
at New York, receives the most flattering marks of respect. Ad- 
dresses Congress. The situation of the United States in their foreign 
and domestic relations, at the inauguration of Washington. Fills up 
public offices solely with a view to t tie public good- Proposes a treaty 
to the Creek Indians, which is at first rejected. Col. Willct induces 
the heads of the nation to come to New York, to treat there. The 
North Western Indians refuse a treaty, but after defeating Generals 
Harmar and Sinclair, they are defeated by Gen Wayne. They then 
submit, and agree to treat. A new system is introduced for meliorat- 
ing their condition, p. 273 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XII. 

General Washington attends to the foreign relations of the United 
Stales Negotiates with Spain Difficulties in the way. The free 
navigation of the Missisippi is granted by a treaty made with Major 
Pinckney. Negotiations with Britain. Difficulties in the way. War 
probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His treaty with Great Britain. Op- 
position thereto. Is ratified. Washington refuses papers to House 
of Representatives British posts in the United States evacuated. 
Negotiations with France. Genet's arrival. Assumes illegal powers, 
in violation of the neutrality of the United States. Is flattered by the 
people, but opposed by the executive. Is recalled. General Pinck- 
ney sent as public minister to adjust disputes with France. Is not re- 
ceived. Washington declines a re-election, and addresses the people. 
His last address to the national legislature. Recommends a navy, a 
military academy, ami other public institutions, ----- p. 300 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to the Secre- 
tary of State, denying the authenticity of letters said to be from him 
to J P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776 Pays respect to his 
successor, Mr. John Adams. Review of Washington's administration. 
He retires to Mount Vernon. Resumes agricultural pursuits. Hears 
with regret the aggression of the French republic. Corresponds on 
the subject of his taking the command of an army to oppose the 
French. Is appointed Lieutenant General. His commission is sent 
to him by the Secretary of War. His letter to president Adams on 
the receipt thereof. Directs the organization of the proposed army. 
Three Envoys Extraordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes 
with Bonaparte, after the overthrow of the Directory. Gen. A\ r ash- 
ington dies. Is honoured by Congress, and by the citizens. His char- 
acter, p. 363 



LIFE 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



CHAPTER I. 

Of George Washington's birth, family, and education Of his mission to 

the French commandant on the Ohio in 175.3 wis military operations 

as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, and his subsequent employ- 
ments to the commencement of the American Revolution. 

1 he ancestors of Geqrge Washington were 
among the first settlers of the oldest British colo- 
ny in America. He was the third in descent from 
John Washington, an English gentleman, who, 
about the middle of the 17th. century, emigrated 
from the north of England, and settled in West- 
moreland county, Virginia. In the place where 
he had fixed himself, his great grandson, the sub- 
ject of the following history, was born on the 22d. 
of February, 1732. His immediate ancestor was 
Augustine Washington, who died when his son 
George was only ten years old. The education 



* THE LIFE OF 

of the young orphan, of course, devolved on his 
mother, who added one to the many examples of 
virtuous matrons, who, devoting themselves to the 
care of their children, have trained them up to be 
distinguished citizens. In one instance her fears, 
combining with her affection, prevented a meas- 
ure, which, if persevered in, would have given a 
direction to the talents and views of her son, very 
different from that which laid the foundation of his 
fame. George Washington, when only fifteen 
years old, solicited and obtained the place of a 
midshipman in the British navy ; but his ardent 
zeal to serve his country, then at war with France 
and Spain, was, on the interference of his mother, 
for the present suspended, and for ever diverted 
from the sea service. She lived to see him ac- 
quire higher honours than he ever could have ob- 
tained as a naval officer ; nor did she depart this 
life till he was elevated to the first offices, both civ- 
il and military, in the gift of his country. She 
was, nevertheless, from the influence of long es- 
tablished habits, so far from being partial to the 
American revolution, that she often regretted the 
side her son had taken in the controversy between 
her king and her country. 

In the minority of George Washington, the 
means of education in America were scanty ; his 
was thereiore very little extended beyond what is 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



common, except in mathematics. Knowledge of* 
this kind contributes more perhaps than any other 
to strengthen the mind. In his case it was doubly 
useful ; for, in the early part of his life, it laid the 
foundation of his fortune, by qualifying him for 
the office of a practical surveyor, at a time when 
good land was of easy attainment ; and its inti- 
mate connection with the military art, enabled him 
at a later period to judge more correctly of the 
proper means of defending his country, when he 
was called upon to preside over its armies. 

Of the first nineteen years of George Washing- 
ton's life, little is known. His talents being more 
solid than showy, were not sufficiently developed 
for public notice, by the comparatively unimpor- 
tint events of that early period. His cotempora- 
ries have generally reported, that in his youth he 
was grave, silent, and thoughtful ; diligent and 
methodical in business, dignified in his appearance, 
and strictly honourable in all his deportment ; but 
they have not been able to gratify the public curi- 
osity with any striking anecdotes. His patrimo- 
nial estate was small, but that little was managed 
with prudence and increased by industry. In the 
gayest period of his life, he was a stranger to dis- 
sipation and riot. That he had established a solid 
reputation, even in his juvenile years, may be fair- 
ly presumed from the following circumstances. 



ih THE LIFE 01 

At the age of nineteen he was appointed one of 
the adjutants general of Virginia, with the rank of 
major. When he was barely twenty one, he was 
employed by the government of his native colony, 
in an enterprise which required the prudence of 
age as well as the vigour of youth. 

The French, as the first European discoverers 
of the river Mississippi, claimed all that immense 
region whose waters run into that river. In pur- 
suance of this claim, in the year 1753, they took 
possession of a tract of country supposed to be 
within the chartered limits of Virginia, and were 
proceeding to erect a chain of posts from the lakes 
of Canada to the river Ohio, in subserviency to 
their grand scheme of connecting Canada with 
Louisiana, and limiting the English colonies to 
the east of the Alleghany mountains. Mr. Din- 
widdie, then governor of Virginia, despatched 
Washington with a letter to the Freneh command- 
ant on the Ohio, remonstrating against the prose- 
cution of these designs, as hostile to the rights of 
his Britannic majesty. The young envoy was al- 
so instructed to penetrate the designs of the French ; 
to conciliate the affection of the native tribes ; and 
to procure useful intelligence. In the discharge 
of this trust, he set out on the 15th. of Novem- 
ber, from Will's Creek, then an extreme frontier 
settlement, and pursued his course through a vast 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, ° 

extent of unexplored wilderness, amidst rains and 
snows, and over rivers of very difficult passage, 
and among tribes of Indians, several of whom, from 
previous attentions of the French, were hostile to 
the English. When his horses were incompetent, 
he proceeded on foot with a gun in his hand and 
a pack on his back. He observed every thing 
with the eye of a soldier, and particularly designat- 
ed the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany 
rivers, the spot where Fort Duquesne was after- 
ward built, and where Pittsburgh now stands, as 
an advantageous position for a fortress. Here he 
secured the affections of some neighbouring Indi- 
ans, and engaged them to accompany him. With 
them he ascended the Alleghany river and French 
Creek, to a fort on the river le Boeuf, one of its 
western branches. He there found Mons. Le 
Gardeur de St. Pierre, the commandant on the 
Ohio, and delivered to him Dinwiddie's letter ; 
and receiving his answer, returned with it to Wil- 
liamsburg on the seventy eighth day after he had 
received his appointment. The patience and 
firmness displayed on this occasion by Washing- 
ton, added to his judicious treatment of the Indi- 
ans, both merited and obtained a large share of ap- 
plause. A journal of the whole was published, 
and inspired the public with high ideas of the en- 
ergies both of his body and mind. 



O THE LIFE OF 

The French were too intent on their favourite 
project of extending their empire in America, to 
be diverted from it by the remonstrances of a co- 
lonial governor. The answer brought by Wash- 
ington was such as induced the assembly of Vir- 
ginia, to raise a regiment of three hundred men, 
to defend their frontiers and maintain the right 
claimed in behalf of Great Britain over the disput- 
ed territory. Of this Mr. Fry was appointed col- 
onel, and George Washington, lieutenant colonel. 
The latter advanced with two companies of this 
regiment early in April, as far as the Great Mead- 
ows, where he was informed by some friendly In- 
dians, that the French were erecting fortifications 
in the fork between the Alleghany and Mononga- 
hela rivers ; and also, that a detachment was on 
its march from that place toward the Great Mead- 
ows. War had not been yet formally declared be- 
tween France and England, but as neither was 
disposed to recede from their claims to the lands 
on the Ohio, it was deemed inevitable, and on the 
point of commencing. Several circumstances 
were supposed to indicate an hostile intention on 
the part of the advancing French detachment. 
Washington, under the guidance of some friendly 
Indians, in a dark rainy night surprised their en- 
campment, and, after firing once, rushed in and 
surrounded them. The commanding oliicer, Mr. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. * 

Jumonv'lle, was killed, one person escaped, and all 
the rest immediately surrendered. Soon after this 
affair, Col. Fry died, and the command of the reg- 
iment devolved on Washington, who speedily col- 
lected the whole at the Great Meadows. Two in- 
dependent companies of regulars, one from New 
York, and one from South Carolina, shortly after 
arrived at the same place. Col. Washington was 
now at the head of nearly four hundred men. A 
stockade, afterward called Fort Necessity, was 
erected at the Great Meadows, in which a small 
force w 7 as left, and the main body advanced with a 
view of dislodging the French from Fort Duques- 
ne, which they had recently erected, at the con- 
fluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers. 
They had not proceeded more than thirteen miles, 
when they were informed by friendly Indians, 
" That the French, as numerous as pigeons in the 
woods, were advancing in an hostile manner to- 
ward the English settlements, and also, that Fort 
Duquesne had been recently and strongly rein- 
forced." In this critical situation, a council of war 
unanimously recommended a retreat to the Great 
Meadows, which was effected without delay, and 
every exertion made to render Fort Necessity ten- 
able. Before the works intended for that purpose 
were completed, Mons. de Villier, with a consid- 



o THE LIFE OF 

crable force, attacked the fort. The assailants 
were covered by trees and high grass. The Amer- 
icansreceivedthem with great resolution, and fought 
some within the stockade, and others in the sur- 
rounding ditch. Washington continued the whole 
day on the outside of the fort, and conducted the 
defence with the greatest coolness and intrepidity. 
The engagement lasted from ten in the morning 
till night, when the French commander demand- 
ed a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. 
His first and second proposals were rejected ; and 
Washington would accept of none short of the 
following honourable ones, which were mutually 
agreed upon in the course of the night. " The 
fort to be surrendered on condition that the gar- 
rison should march out with the honours of war, 
and be permitted to retain their arms and bag- 
gage, and to march unmolested into the inhabit- 
ed parts of Virginia." The legislature of Vir- 
ginia, impressed with a high sense of the bravery 
and good conduct of their troops, though com- 
pelled to surrender the fort, voted their thanks to 
Col. Washington and the officers under his com- 
mand, and they also gave three hundred pistoles 
to be distributed among the soldiers engaged in 
this action, but made no arrangements for renew- 
ing offensive operations in the remainder of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



g) 



year 1754. When the season for action was over, 
the regiment was reduced to independent compa- 
nies, and Washington resigned his command. 

The controversy about the Ohio lands, which 
began in Virginia, was taken up very seriously 
by Great Britain, and two British regiments were 
sent to America to support the claims of his Bri- 
tannic majesty. They arrived early in 1755, and 
were commanded by Gen. Braddock. That 
officer, being informed of the talents of George 
Washington, invited him to serve the campaign as 
a volunteer aid de camp. The invitation was 
cheerfully accepted, and Washington joined Gen. 
Braddock near Alexandria, and proceeded with 
him to Will's Creek, afterward called Fort Cum- 
berland. Here the army was detained till the 
12th. of June, waiting for waggons, horses, and 
provisions. Washington had early recommended 
the use of pack horses, instead of waggons, for 
conveying the baggage of the army. The pro- 
priety of this advice soon became apparent, and a 
considerable change was made in conformity to it. 
The army had not advanced much more than ten 
miles trom Fort Cumberland, when Washington 
was seized with a violent fever, but nevertheless 
continued with the army, being conveyed in a 
covered waggon, after he had refused to stay be- 
hind, though so much exhausted as to be unable 



*0 THE LIFE 01 

to ride on horseback. He advised the general to 
leave his heavy artillery and baggage behind, and 
to advance rapidly to Fort Duquesne, with a select 
body of troops, a few necessary stores, and some 
pieces of light artillery. Hopes were indulged 
that by this expeditious movement, Fort Duques- 
ne might be reached in its present weak state, 
with a force sufficient to reduce it, before expect- 
ed reinforcements should arrive. General Brad- 
dock approved the scheme, and submitted it to the 
consideration of a council held at the Little Mead- 
ows, which recommended that the commander 
in chief should advance as rapidly as possible with 
twelve hundred select men, and that Col. Dunbar 
should remain behind with the remainder of the 
troops and the heavy baggage. This advanced 
corps commenced its march with only thirty car- 
riages, but did not proceed with the rapidity that 
was expected. They frequently halted to level 
the road, and to build bridges over inconsid- 
erable brooks. They consumed four days in 
passing over the first nineteen miles from the Lit- 
tle Meadows. At this place, the physicians declar- 
ed that Col. Washington's life would be endan- 
gered by advancing with the army. He was there- 
fore ordered by Gen. Braddock to stay behind 
with a small guard till Dunbar should arrive with 
the rear of the army. As soon as his strength 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



11 



would permit, he joined the advanced detachment, 
and immediately entered on the duties of his 
office. On the next day, July 9th. a dreadful 
scene took place. When Braddock had crossed 
the Monongahela, and was only a few miles from 
Fort Duquesne, and was pressing forward without 
any apprehension of danger, he was attacked in 
an open road, thick set with grass. An invisible 
enemy, consisting of French and Indians, com- 
menced a heavy and well directed fire on his un- 
covered troops. The van fell back on the main 
body, and the whole was thrown into disorder. 
Marksmen levelled their pieces particularly at offi- 
cers, and others on horseback. In a short time, 
Washington was the only aid de camp left alive 
and not wounded. On him, therefore, devolved 
the whole duty of carrying the general's orders. 
He was of course obliged to be constantly in mo- 
tion, traversing the field of battle on horseback in 
all directions. He had two horses shot under 
him, and four bullets passed through his coat, but 
he escaped unhurt, though every other officer on 
horseback was either killed or wounded. Provi- 
dence preserved him for further and greater ser- 
vices. Throughout the whole of the carnage and 
confusion of this fatal day, Washington displayed 
the greatest coolness and the most perfect self 
possession. Braddock was undismayed amidst a 



12 THE LIFE OF 

shower of bullets, and by his countenance and ex- 
ample, encouraged his men to stand their ground ; 
but valour was useless, and discipline only offered 
surer marks to the destructive aim of unseen 
marksmen. Unacquainted with the Indian mode 
of fighting, Braddock neither advanced upon nor 
retreated from the assailants, but very injudiciously 
endeavoured to form his broken troops on the 
ground where they were first attacked, and where 
they were exposed uncovered to the incessant gall- 
ing fire of a sheltered enemy. He had been cau- 
tioned of the danger to which he was exposed, 
and was advised to advance the provincials in front 
of his troops, to scour the woods and detect am- 
buscades, but he disregarded the salutary recom- 
mendation. The action lasted near three hours, 
jn the course of which the general had three horses 
shot under him, and finally received a wound, of 
which he died in a few days in the camp of Dun- 
bar, to which he had been brought by Col. Wash- 
ington and others. On the fall of Braddock, his 
troops gave way in all directions, and could not be 
rallied till they had crossed the Monongahcla. 
The Indians, allured by plunder, did not pursue 
with vigour. The vanquished regulars soon fell 
back to Dunbar's camp, from which, after destroy- 
ing such of their stores as could be spared, they 
retired to Philadelphia. The officers in the Brit- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Io 

ish regiments displayed the greatest bravery. 
Their whole number was eighty five, and sixty 
four of them were killed or wounded. The com- 
mon soldiers were so disconcerted by the unusual 
mode of attack, that they soon broke, and could 
not be rallied. The three Virginia companies 
in the engagement behaved very differently, and 
fought like men till there were scarcely thirty men 
left alive in the whole. This reverse of fortune 
rather added to, than took from, the reputa- 
tion of Washington. His countrymen extolled 
his conduct, and generally said and believed, that 
if he had been commander, the disasters of the day 
would have been avoided. 

Intelligence of Braddock's defeat, and that Col. 
Dunbar had withdrawn all the regular forces from 
Virginia, arrived while the assembly of that colo- 
ny was in session. Impressed with the necessity 
of protecting their exposed frontier settlements, 
they determined to raise a regiment of sixteen 
companies. The command of this was given to 
Washington. So great was the public confidence 
in the soundness of his judgment, that he was au- 
thorized to name the field officers. His commis- 
sion also designated him as commander in chief of 
all the forces raised, or to be raised, in Virginia. 

In execution of the duties of his new office, 
Washington, after giving the necessary orders for 



•14 



THE LIFK OF 



the recruiting- service, visited the frontiers. He 
found many posts, but few soldiers. Of these the 
best disposition was made. While on his way to 
Williamsburg to arrange a plan of operations with 
the lieutenant governor, he was overtaken by an 
express below Fredericksburg, with information 
that the back settlements were broken up by par- 
ties of French and Indians, who were murdering 
and capturing men, women, and children, burn- 
ing their houses, and destroying their crops, and 
that the few troops stationed on the frontiers, un- 
able to protect the country, had retreated to small 
stockade forts. Washington altered his course 
from Williamsburg to Winchester, and endeav- 
oured to collect a force for the defence of the 
country. But this was impossible. The inhab- 
itants, instead of assembling in arms, and facing 
the invaders, fled before them, and extended the 
general panic. While the attention of individuals 
was engrossed by their families and private con- 
cerns, the general safety was neglected. The 
alarm became universal, and the utmost confusion 
prevailed. Before any adequate force was collect- 
ed to repel the assailants, they had safely crossed 
the Alleghany mountains, after having done an 
immensity of mischief. Irruptions of this kind 
were repeatedly made into the frontier settlements 
of Virginia, in the 'years 1756, 1757, and 1758- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1^ 

These generally consisted of a considerable num. 
bet' of French and Indians, who were detached 
from Fort Duquesne. It was their usual pratice 
on their approaching the settlements, to divide in- 
to small parties, and avoiding the forts, to attack 
solitary families in the night, as well as the day. 
The savages, accustomed to live in the woods, 
found little difficulty in concealing themselves till 
their fatal blow was struck. Sundry unimportant 
skirmishes took place, with various results, but 
the number killed on both sides was inconsidera- 
ble, when compared with the mischief done, and 
the many who were put to death, otherwise than 
in battle. The invaders could seldom be brought 
to a regular engagement. Honourable war was 
not in their contemplation. Plunder, devastation, 
and murder, were their objects. The assemblage 
of a respectable force to oppose them, was their 
signal for retreating. Irruptions of this kind were 
so frequent for three years following Braddock's 
defeat, that in Pennsylvania, the frontier settlers 
were driven back as far as Carlisle, and in Mary- 
land, to Fredericktown, and in Virginia, to the 
Blue Ridge. 

The distresses of the inhabitants exceeded all 
description. If they went into stockade forts, they 
suffered from the want of provisions ; were often 
surrounded, and sometimes cut off. By fleeing, 



16 THE LIFE OE 

they abandoned the conveniences of home, and 
the means of support. If they continued on their 
farms, they lay down every night under apprehen- 
sions of being murdered before morning. But 
this was not the worst. Captivity and torture 
were frequently their portion. To all these evils, 
women, aged persons, and children, were equally 
liable with men in arms ; for savages make no dis- 
tinction. Extermination is their object. To 
Washington the inhabitants looked for that pro- 
tection he had not the means of giving. In a let- 
ter to the governor, he observed, " the supplicat- 
ing tears of the women, and moving petitions of 
the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that 
I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I 
could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the buteh- 
ering enemy, provided that would contribute to 
the people's ease." Virginia presented a frontier 
of three hundred and sixty miles, exposed to these 
incursions. Hard was the lot of Washington, to 
whom was intrusted the defence of these extensive 
settlements without means adequate to the pur- 
pose. The regiment voted by the assembly was 
never filled. Its actual number was oftener be- 
low than above seven hundred men. The militia 
afforded a very feeble aid, on which little reliance 
could be placed. They were slow in collecting, 
and when collected, soon began to hanker alter 



George Washington. 17 

home ; and while in camp, could not submit to 
that discipline, without which an army is a mob. 
The militia laws were very defective. Cowardice 
in time of action, and sleeping while on duty, 
though crimes of the most destructive nature, were 
very inadequately punished by the civil code un- 
der which they took the field. Desertion and mu- 
tiny, for some considerable time, subjected the 
offenders to nothing more than slight penalties. 
Washington was incessant in his representations to 
the governor and to the assembly, that no reliance 
could be placed on the militia, under existing reg- 
ulations, and that the inconsiderable number, in- 
listed for regular service, together with the plans 
proposed for the security of the frontiers, were al- 
together inadequate. He not only pointed out the 
defect of the systems which had been adopted, 
but submitted to the consideration of those in pow- 
er, such measures as he thought best, and partic- 
ularly recommended, in case offensive operations 
were not adopted, that twenty two forts, extending 
in a line of three hundred and sixty miles, should 
be immediately erected and garrisoned by two 
thousand men, in constant pay and service ; but 
on all occasions gave a decided preference to the 
reduction of Fort Duquesne, as the only radical 
remedy for the evils to which the frontier settle- 
ments were exposed. Propositions to this effect 



1& THE LIFE OF 

were made and urged by him in 1756 and 1757 ; 
both to the government of Virginia, and the com- 
manders in chief of the British forces in America ; 
but a shortsighted policy in the first, and a prefer- 
ence given by the last to a vigorous prosecution 
of the war in the northern colonies, prevented their 
acceptance. To his inexpressible joy, the project 
obtained, in the year 1758, the complete approba- 
tion of Gen. Forbes, who was charged with the 
defence of the middle and southern colonies. This 
being resolved upon, the movements of the army 
were directed to that point. Part of the force des- 
tined for this expedition was at Philadelphia ; part 
at Ray's Town ; and part dispersed on the fron- 
tiers of Virginia. To bring all together, was a 
work of time and difficulty. Washington urged 
the necessity of an early campaign ; but such de- 
lays took place that he. did not receive orders to 
assemble his regiment at Winchester, till the 24th. 
of May ; nor to proceed from thence to Fort Cum- 
berland, till the 24th. of June ; nor to proceed to 
Ray's Town, till the 21st. September. The main 
body did not commence their march from Ray's 
Town, till the 2d. of October, and it was as late 
as the 25th. of November when they reached Fort 
Duquesne. These -delays were extremely morti- 
fying to Washington, and threatened to render the 
campaign abortive. He urged the necessity of ex- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



19 



pedition, and most pointedly remonstrated against 
one of the principal causes of delay. This was a 
resolution adopted by his superiors, for opening a 
new road for tlie army, in preference to that which 
was generally known by the name of Gen. Brad- 
dock's. Being overruled, he quietly submitted. 
Instead of embarrassing measures he thought in- 
judicious, the whole energies of himself and his 
regiment were exerted to make the most of those 
which his commanding officer preferred. The 
progress of the army was so slow, that it did not 
reach Loyal Hannah till the 5th. of November. 
Here it was determined in a council of war, " to' 
be unadvisable to proceed any further that cam- 
paign." If this resolution had been adhered to, 
the only alternative would have been to winter an 
army of eight thousand men in a cold inhospitable 
wilderness, remote from all friendly settlements, or 
to tread back their steps and wait for a more fa- 
vourable season. In either case they would have 
suffered immensely. The propriety of the remon- 
strances made by Washington against the many 
delays which had taken place, now became obvi- 
ously striking. The hopes of restoring peace to 
the frontier settlements by reducing FortDuques- 
ne, began to vanish. But contrary to all human 
appearances, success was now offered to their 
grasp at the very moment they had given up every 
hope of obtaining it. 



20 THE LIFE OF 

Some prisoners were taken, who gave such in- 
formation of the state of the garrison, as induced 
a reversal of the late determination, and encourag- 
ed the general to proceed. Washington was in 
front superintending the opening of the road for 
the accommodation of the troops. They advanced 
with slow and cautious steps until they reached 
Fort Duquesne. To their great surprise they 
found the fort evacuated, and that the garrison had 
retreated down the Ohio. The reasons for the 
abandonment of so advantageous a position, must 
be looked for elsewhere. The British had urged 
the war with so much vigour and success against 
the French to the northward of the Ohio, that no 
reinforcements could be spared to Fort Duquesne. 
The British fleet had captured a considerable part 
of the reinforcements designed by France for her 
colonies. The tide of fortune had begun to turn 
against the French in favour of the English. This 
weakened the influence of the former over the In- 
dians, and caused them to withdraw from the sup- 
port of the garrison. Under different circumstan- 
ces, the success of the campaign would have been 
doubtful, perhaps impracticable. The benefits 
which resulted from the acquisition of Fort Du- 
quesne, proved the soundness of Washington's 
judgment in so warmly urging, for three years, an 
expedition for its reduction. These were not con- 
fined to Virginia, but extended to Pennsylvania 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21 

and Maryland. While the French were in posses- 
sion of that post, the Indians near the Ohio were 
entirely at their beck. This was their place of 
rendez\ous, and from it they made frequent and 
ruinous incursions into these three colonies. They 
neither spared age nor sex, but killed or captivat- 
ed indiscriminately all who came in their way. 
Fire and devastation ; the scalping knife and tom- 
ahawk, marked their route. A complete revolu- 
tion in the disposition of the Indians, resulted from 
the expulsion of the French. Always prone to 
take part with the strongest, the Indians deserted 
their ancient friends, and paid court to those who, 
by recent conquest, were now in possession of the 
country. A treaty of peace was soon after con- 
cluded with all the Indian tribes between the lakes 
and the Ohio. Fort Duquesne henceforward as- 
sumed the name of Fort Pitt, received consider- 
able repairs, and was garrisoned by two hundred 
men from Washington's regiment. It became aa 
useful in future to the English settlements, as it 
had been injurious while in the occupation of the 
French. 

The campaign of 1758 ended the military ca- 
reer of Col. Washington as a provincial officer. 
The great object on which his heart was set, the 
reduction of Fort Duquesne, being accomplished, 
l)e resigned his commission. 



22 THE LIFE 01 

During the three preceding years in which he 
was charged with the defence of Virginia, none of 
those great events occurred which enliven and 
adorn the page of history ; yet the duties he per- 
formed were extremely arduous. He established 
exact discipline in his regiment, though unaccus- 
tomed to restraint, and infused into them such a 
spirit as made them, when in action, fight like men, 
and die like soldiers. 

The difficulties of defending such an extensive 
frontier, with so inadequate a force, would have 
chagrined almost any other man into a resignation 
of the command, but only excited in him greater 
importunity with the ruling powers, for the cor- 
rection of errors. The plans he proposed, the 
systems he recommended for conducting the war, 
displayed an uncommon vigour of mind. He re- 
tired from the army with the thanks of his regi- 
ment, and the esteem not only of his countrymen, 
but of the officers of the British army ; and what 
is particularly remarkable, with the undiminished 
confidence of the frontier settlers, to whom he was 
unable to extend that protection they expected 
from his hands. They were thoroughly convinced 
he had made the best possible use of his scanty 
means for the security of so extensive a frontier ; 
and to the weight of his advice in recommending, 
and spirited co-operation in executing, they as 



GEORGE WASHINGTOH. ^ 

cribed a large proportion of the merit of the late 
successful expedition against Fort Duquesne ; an 
event from which they promised themselves an 
exemption from the calamities under which they 
had long laboured. As a reward of his gallant and 
patriotic services, he shortly after obtained the 
hand of Mrs. Custis, who, to a fine person and 
large fortune, added every accomplishment which 
contributes to the happiness of married life. Col. 
Washington, by the death of his elder brother 
Lawrence, had a few years before acquired an es- 
tate situated on the Potowmack, called Mount 
Vernon, in compliment to admiral Vernon, who, 
about the year 1741, commanded the British fleet 
in an expedition against Carthagena, in which ex- 
pedition Mr. Lawrence Washington had been en- 
gaged. 

To this delightful spot the late commander of 
the Virginia forces, released from the cares of a 
military life, and in possession of every thing that 
could make life agreeable, withdrew, and gave 
himself up to domestic pursuits. These were con- 
ducted with so much judgment, steadiness, and 
industrv, as greatly to enlarge and improve his 
estate. To them he exclusively devoted himself 
for fifteen years, with the exception of serving in 
the house of burgesses of the colony of Virginia, 
and as a judge of the court of the county in which 



24> THE LIFE OF 

he resided. In these stations he acquitted him- 
self with reputation, and acquired no inconsider- 
able knowledge in the science of civil government. 
During this period, the clashing claims of Great 
Britain and her colonies were frequently brought 
before the Virginia legislature. In every instance 
he took a decided part in the opposition made to the 
principle of taxation claimed by the parent state. 

Had Great Britain been wise, the history of 
George Washington would have ended here, with 
the addition that he died in the sixty eighth year 
of his age, having sustained through life the char- 
acter of a good man, an excellent farmer, a wise 
member of the legislature, and an impartial dis- 
tributer of justice among his neighbours. Very 
different was his destiny. From being the com- 
mander of the forces of his native colony, Virginia, 
he was advanced to the command of the armies 
of thirteen United Colonies, and successfully led 
them through a revolutionary war of eight years 
duration, which issued in their establishment as 
thirteen United States. The origin of these great 
events must be looked for across the Atlantic. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



25 



CHAPTER II. 



Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war Of George 

Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775.. As Com- 
mander in Chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 177.i and 
1776, and his operations near Boston, in these years. 



Soon after the peace of Paris, 1763, a new system 
for governing the British colonies, was adopted. 
One abridgment of their accustomed liberties fol- 
lowed another in such rapid succession, that in 
the short space of twelve years they had not lung 
left they could call their own. The British par- 
liament, in which they were unrepresented, and. 
over which they had no control, not only claimed, 
but exercised the power of taxing them at pl< as- 
ure, and of binding them in all cases whatsoever. 
Claims so repugnant to the spirit of the British 
constitution, and which made such invidious dis- 
tinctions between the subjects of the same king, 
residing on different sides of the Atlantic, excited 
a serious alarm among the colonists. Detached 
as they were from each other by local residence, 
and unconnected in their several legislatures, a 
sense of common danger pointed out to them the 

wisdom and propriety of forming a new represent* 
5 



i 'HE LIFE OP 

ative body, composed of delegates from each col- 
ony , to take care of their common interests. 

" nli ver) little previous concert, such a body 
was formed and met in Philadelphia, in Septem- 
ber, i . / 1, and entered into the serious considers 
tion ol the grievances under which their constitu- 
ents laboured. To this congress Virginia deput- 
ed seven of her most respectable citizens; Peyton 
Randolph, Richard Eienn Lee, George Washing- 
ton, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin 
Harrison, Edmund Pendleton; nun who would 
have done honour to any age or country. The 
same were appointed in like manner to attend a 
second congress on the lOih. of May, in the follow- 
ing year. The historians of the American revo- 
lution will detail with pleasure and pride, the pro- 
ceedings of this illustrious assembly ; the firmness 
and precision with which they stated their griev- 
ances, and petitioned their sovereign to redress 
them ; the eloquence with which die) addressed 
the people of Great Britain, the inhabitants of Can 
ada, and their own constituents ; the judicious 
measures they adopted for cementing union at 
home, and procuring friends abroad. The) will 
also inform the world of the unsuccessful termina- 
tion of all plans proposed for preserving die union 
of the empire, and that Great Britain, proceeding 
front one oppression to another, threw the colonies 



2, 
OOt of I;' r 

it on . '■ to their sub ion, 

AJJ the 

.'. 

setts, for d 

;>. BO . '• . ' ' ' 

' J - 

tai- 

!la- 

. . . 

disp I 

. 

he 

-:e arrar 
These duties in the 

mined on maki 

cnusetl i a B Aa- 

lani- 
t in 
the 



28 



THE LIFE Ol- 



defence of the colonies. His election was accom- 
panied with no competition, and followed by no en- 
vy. The same general impulse on the public mind, 
which led the colonies to agree in many other par- 
ticulars, pointed to him as the most proper person 
for presiding over their armies. 

To the president of Congress announcing this 
appointment, General Washington replied in the 
following words ; 

" MR. PRESIDENT, 

" Though I am truly sensible of the high hon- 
our done me in this appointment, yet I feel great 
distress from a consciousness that my abilities and 
military experience may not be equal to the ex- 
tensive and important trust. However, as the 
Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momen- 
tous duty, and exert every power I possess in their 
service, and for support of the glorious cause. I 
beg they will accept my most cordial thanks, for 
this distinguished testimony of their approbation. 

" But lest some unlucky event should happen 
unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it may be re- 
membered by every gentleman in the room, that 
I this day declare with the utmost sincerity, 1 do 
not think myself equal to the command I am hon- 
oured with. 

" As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the Con- 
gress that as no pecuniary consideration could 



GEORGE W\SHTNGTON. 



29 



have tempted me to accept this arduous employ- 
ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and hap- 
piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I 
will keep an exact account of my expenses ; those I 
doubt not they will discharge, and that isall I desire." 

A special commission was made out for him, 
and at the same time an Unanimous resolution was 
adopted by Congress, " that they would maintain 
and assist him, and adhere to him with their lives 
and fortunes, for the maintenance and preservation 
of American Liberty." 

He immediately entered on the duties of his 
high station. After passing a few days in New 
York, and making some arrangements with Gen. 
Schuyler, who commanded there, he proceeded to 
Cambridge, which was the headquarters of the 
American army. On his way thither, he received 
from private persons and public bodies, the most 
flattering attention, and the strongest expressions 
of determination to support him. He received an 
address from the Provincial Congress of New- 
York, in which, after expressing their approbation 
of his elevation to command, they say, " We have 
the fullest assurances, that whenever this impor- 
tant contest shall be decided by that fondest wish 
of each American soul, an accommodation with 
our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the 
important deposit committed into your hands, and 



36 



THE LTFE OF 



reassume the character of our worthiest citizen. w 
The General, after declaring his gratitude for the 
respect shown him, added, " Be assured that 
every exertion of my worthy colleagues and my- 
self, will be extended to the re-establishment of 
peace and harmony between the mother country 
and these colonies. As to the fatal, but necessary 
operations of war, when we assumed the soldier 
we did not lay aside the citizen, and we shall most 
sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour, 
when the re-establishment of American liberty, on 
the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable 
us to return to our private stations, in the bosom 
of a free, peaceful, and happy country." 

A committee from the Massachusetts Congress 
received him at Springfield, about one hundred 
miles from Boston, and conducted him to the ar- 
my. He was soon after addressed by the Con- 
gress of that colony in the most affectionate man- 
ner. In his answer, he said, " Gentlemen, your 
kind congratulations on my appointment and ar- 
rival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and 
will ever be retained in grateful remembrance. 
In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for 
the duties of my present honourable, but arduous 
station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit 
of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, 
with a firmness and patriotism without example, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

has sacrificed all the comforts of social and polit- 
ical life in support of the rights of mankind, and 
the welfare of our common country. My highest 
ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindi- 
cating these rights, and to see this devoted prov- 
ince again restored to peace, liberty, and safety." 
When Gen. Washington arrived at Cambridge, 
he was received with the joyful acclamations of 
the American army. At the head of his troops, 
he published a declaration previously drawn up 
by Congress, in the nature of a manifesto, setting 
forth the reasons for taking up arms. In this, 
after enumerating various grievances of the colo- 
nies, and vindicating them from a premeditated 
design of establishing independent states, it was 
added ; " In our own native land, in defence of 
the freedom which is our birthright, and which 
we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it ; for 
the protection of our property, acquired solely 
by the industry of our forefathers and ourselves, 
against violence actually offered ; we have taken 
up arms ; we shall lay them down when hostilities 
shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all 
danger of their being renew r ed shall be removed,, 
and not before." 

When Gen, Washington joined the American 
army, he found the British intrenched on Bunker's 
Hill, having also three floating batteries in Mystic 



32 THE LTFE OF 

River, and a twenty gun ship below the ferry be- 
tween Boston and Charlestown. They hud also a 
battery on Copse's Hill, and were strongly forti- 
fied on the neck. The Americans were intrench- 
ed at Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, 
communicating with one another by small posts 
over a distance of ten miles, nor could they be 
contracted without exposing the country to the 
incursions of the enemy. 

The army put under the command of Washing- 
ton amounted to fourteen thousand five hundred 
men. Several circumstances concurred to render 
this force very inadequate to active operations. 
Military stores were deficient in camp, and the 
whole in the country was inconsiderable. On the 
4th. of August, all the stock of powder in the 
American camp, and in the public magazines of 
the four New England provinces, would have 
made very little more than nine rounds a man. In 
this destitute condition the army remained for a 
fortnight. To the want of powder was added a very 
general want of bayonets, of clothes, of working 
tools, and a total want of engineers. Under all 
these embarrassments, the General observed, that 
" he had the materials of a good army ; that the men 
were able bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and 
of unquestionable courage." He immediately in- 
stituted such arrangements as were calculated to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



33 



increase their capacity for service. The army was 
distributed into brigades and divisions, and on his 
recommendation, general staff officers were appoint- 
ed. Economy, union, and system, were intro- 
duced into every department. As the troops came 
into service under the authority of distinct colonial 
governments, no uniformity existed among the 
regiments. In Massachusetts the men had chosen 
their officers, and, rank excepted, were in other 
respects, frequently their equals. To form one 
uniform mass of these discordant materials, and to 
subject freemen animated with the spirit of liber- 
ty, and collected for its defence, to the control of 
military discipline, required patience, forbearance, 
and a spirit of accommodation. This delicate and 
arduous duty was undertaken by Gen. Washing- 
ton, and discharged with great address. When 
he had made considerable progress in disciplining 
his army, the term for which inlistments had taken 
place was on the point of expiring. The troops 
from Connecticut and Rhode Island were only en- 
gaged to the first of December, 1775 ; and no part 
of the army longer than to the first of January, 
1776. The commander in chief made early and 
forcible representations to Congress on this sub- 
ject, and urged them to adopt efficient measures 
for the formation of a new army. They deputed 
three of their members, Mr. Lynch, Dr. Franklin, 



34 



THE LITE OF 



and Mr. Harrison, to repair to camp, and, in con- 
junction with him and the chief magistrates of the 
New England colonies, to confer on the most effec- 
tual mode of continuing, supporting, and regulat- 
ing, a continental arm-. By them it was resolved 
to list twenty three thousand seven hundred and 
twenty two men, as far as practicable, from the 
troops before Boston, to serve till the last day of 
December, 1776, unless sooner discharged by 
Congress. In the execution of this resolve, Wash* 
ington called upon all officers and soldiers to make 
their election for retiring or continuing. Several 
of the inferior officers retired. Many of the men 
would not. continue on any terms. Several refus- 
ed, unless they were indulged with furloughs. 
Others, unless they were allowed to choose their 
officers. So many impediments obstructed the 
reei ulting service, that it required great address to 
obviate them. Washington made forcible appeals 
in general orders, to the pride and patriotism of 
both officers and men. He promised every indul- 
gence compatible with safety, and every comfort 
that the state of the country authorized. In "-en- 
era! orders of the 20th, of October, he observed, 
" The times, and the importance of the great cause 
We are engaged in, allow no room foi hesitation 
and delay. When life, liberty, and property, arc 
at stake ; when our country is in danger of being 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



35 



a melancholy scene of bloodshed and desolation ; 
when our towns are laid in ashes, innocent women 
and children driven from their peaceful habitations, 
exposed to the rigours of an inclement season, to 
depend perhaps on the hand of charity for sup- 
port ; when calamities like- these arc staring us in 
the face, and a brutal savage enemy threatens us 
and every thing we hold dear with destruction 
from foreign troops, it little becomes the charac- 
ter of a soldier to shrink from danger, and condi- 
tion for new terms. It is the General's intention 
to indulge both officers and soldiers who compose 
the new army with furloughs for a reasonable 
time ; but this must be done in such a manner as 
not to injure the service, or weaken the army too 
much at once." In the instructions given to the 
recruiting officers, the General enjoined upon them 
" not to inlist any person suspected of being un- 
friendly to the liberties of America, or any aban- 
doned vagabond, to whom all causes and coun- 
tries are equal and alike indifferent." 

Though great exertions had been made to pro- 
cure recruits, yet the regiments were not filled. 
Several causes operated in producing this disincli- 
nation to the service. The sufferings of the army 
had been great. Fuel was very scarce. Clothes, 
and even provisions, had not been furnished them 
in sufficient quantities. The smallpox deterred 



36 THE LIFE OF 

many from entering ; but the principal reason was 
a dislike to a military life. Much also of that en- 
thusiasm which brought numbers to the field, on 
the commencement of hostilities, had abated. The 
army of 1775 was wasting away by the expiration 
of the terms of service, and recruits for the new, 
entered slowly. The regiments which were enti- 
tled to their discharge on the 1st. of December, 
were with great difficulty persuaded to stay ten 
days, when reinforcements of militia were expect- 
ed to supply their place. From the eagerness of 
the old troops to go home, and the slowness of the 
new to enter the service, it was difficult to keep up 
the blockade. On the last day of the year, when 
the first were entirely disbanded, the last only- 
amounted to nine thousand six hundred and fifty 
men, and many of these were absent on furlough. 
At this time the royal army in Boston was about 
eight thousand. To assist the recruiting service, 
the General recommended to Congress to try the 
effects of a bounty, but this was not agreed to till 
late in January, 1776. In that and the following 
month the army was considerably increased. 

The blockade of Boston was all this time kept 
up, and the enemy confined to the city, but this 
was far short of what the American people expect- 
ed. Common fame represented the troops under 
the command of Washington to be nearly treble 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



37 



the royal army. This ample force was supposed 
to be furnished with every thing necessary for the 
most active operations. Their real numbers and 
deficient equipments were, for obvious reasons, 
carefully concealed. The ardour and impatience 
of the public had long since counted on the ex- 
pulsion of the British from Boston. Washington 
was equally ardent, but better informed and more 
prudent. He well knew the advantages that would 
result to die cause in which he was ens-aged from 
some brilliant stroke, nor was he insensible to in- 
sinuations by some that he was devoid of energy, 
and by others that he wished to prolong his own 
importance by continuing the war. He bore these 
murmurs with patience ; but nevertheless, had his 
eyes directed to Boston, and wished for an open- 
ing to commence offensive operations. The pro- 
priety of this measure was submitted to the con- 
sideration of repeated councils of war, who uni- 
formly declared against it. A hope was neverthe- 
less indulged that ice in the course of the winter, 
would be favourable to an assault. That this op- 
portunity might not be lost, measures were adopt- 
ed for procuring large reinforcements of militia to 
serve till the first of March, 1776. From four to 
five thousand men were accordingly procured. 
Contrary to what is usual, the waters about Bos. 
ton continued open till the middle of February. 



38 THE LIFE OF 

Councils of war were hitherto nearly unanimous 
against an assault. General Washington was less 
opposed to it than some others, but the want of 
ammunition for the artillery, together with the 
great probability of failure, induced him to decline 
the attempt. In lieu of it he formed a bold reso- 
lution to take a new position that would either 
compel the British General to come to an action, 
or to evacuate Boston. The American army was 
now stronger than ever. Recruiting for the two 
last months had been unusually successful. The 
regailar army exceeded fourteen thousand men, 
and the militia were about six thousand. Wash- 
ington, thus reinforced, determined to fortify the 
heights of Dorchester, from which he could annoy 
the ships in the harbour, and the army in the 
town. To favour the execution of this plan, the 
town and lines of the enemy were bombarded on 
the 2d. 3d. and 4th. of March. On the night of 
the 4th. Gen. Thomas, with a considerable detach- 
ment, took possession of the heights of Dorches- 
ter. By great exertions this party in the course 
of the night, nearly covered themselves from the 
shot of the enemy. The appearance of their works 
caused no little surprise in the British camp. 
These were every hour advancing so as to afford 
additional security to the Americans posted be- 
hind them. The Admiral informed Gen. Howe, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

that if the Americans kept possession of these 
heights, he would not be able to keep one of the 
British ships in the harbour. The enemy were 
now brought to the alternative which Washington 
wished for. They must either risk an action with- 
out their lines, or abandon the place. Gen. Howe 
preferred the former, and ordered three thousand 
men on this service. These were embarked, and 
fell down to the Castle with the intention of pro- 
ceeding up the river to the attack, but were dis- 
persed by a tremendous storm. Before they could 
be in readiness to proceed, the American works 
were advanced to such a state of security as to 
discourage any attempt against them. 

Washington expecting an immediate assault on 
the new raised works at Dorchester, and judging 
that the best troops of the enemy would be order- 
ed on that service, had prepared to attack the town 
of Boston at the same time ; four thousand men 
were ready for embarkation at the mouth of Cam- 
bridge river to proceed on this business, as soon 
as it was known that the British were gone out in 
force to their intended attack. It was now resolv- 
ed by the British to evacuate Boston as soon as 
possible. In a few days after, a flag came out of 
Boston with a paper signed by four select men, 
informing, " that they had applied to Gen. Rob- 
ertson, who, on an application to Gen, Howe, was 

V 



'iO THE LIFE OF 

authorized to assure them, that he had no intention 
of burning the town, unless the troops under his 
command were molested during their embarkation, 
or at their departure, by the armed foree without." 
When this paper was presented to Gen. Washing- 
ton, he replied, " that as it was an unauthenticat- 
ed paper, and without an address, and not obliga- 
tory on Gen. Howe, he could take no notice of it ;" 
but at the same time " intimated his good wishes 
for the security of the town." 

Washington made arrangements for the securi- 
ty of his army, but did not advance his works nor 
embarrass the British army in their proposed evac- 
uation. He wished to save Boston, and to gain 
time for the fortification of New York, to which 
place he supposed the evacuating army was des- 
tined. Under this impression, he detached a con- 
siderable part of his army to that place, and with 
the remainder took possession of Boston, as soon 
as the British troops had completed their embark- 
ation. On entering the town, Washington was 
received with marks of approbation more flatter- 
ing than the pomps of a triumph. 

The inhabitants, released from the severities of 
a garrison life, and from the various indignities to 
which they were subjected, hailed him as their de- 
liverer. Reciprocal congratulations between those 
who had been confined within the British lines. 



GEORGR WASHINGTON. 



41 



and those who were excluded from entering them, 
were exchanged with an ardour which cannot be 
described. Gen. Washington was honoured by 
Congress with a vote of thanks. Thev also or- 
dered a medal to be struck, with suitable devices 
to perpetuate the remembrance of the great event. 
The Massachusetts Council, and House of Repre- 
sentatives complimented him in a joint address, in 
which they expressed their good wishes in the fol- 
lowing words ; " May you still go on approved 
by Heaven, revered by all good men, and dreaded 
by those tyrants who claim their fellow men as 
their property." His answer was modest and 
proper. 



42 



THE LIFE Ul 



CHAPTER III. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1/7C. 



Of the operations of General Washington in New York. and New Jer- 
sey The bailie on Long IsUim! The retreat from York Island and 

through Jersey The battles of Trenton and Princeton. 



The evacuation of Boston varied the scene, but 
did not lessen the labours of Washington. Hence- 
forward he had a much more formidable enemy 
to contend with. The royal army in Boston was, 
on a small scale, calculated to awe the inhabitants 
of Massachusetts into obedience, but the cam- 
paign of 1776 was opened in New York with a 
force far exceeding any thing hitherto seen in 
America. Including the navy and army, it amount- 
ed to fifty five thousand men, and was calculated 
on the idea of reducing the whole United Colo- 
nies. The operations contemplated could be best 
carried on from the nearly central province of New 
York, and the army could be supplied with pro- 
visions from the adjacent islands, and easily de- 
fended by the British navy. For these reasons, 
the evacuation of Boston, and the concentration of 
the royal forces at New York, had been for some 
time resolved upon in England. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



43 



The reasons that induced the British to gain 
possession of New York, weighed with Washing, 
ton to prevent or delay it. He had therefore de- 
tached largely from his army before Boston, and 
sent Gen. Lee to take the command, and after pro- 
viding for the security of Boston, proceeded soon 
after the evacuation thereof with the main army to 
New York, and made every preparation in his 
power for its defence. Considerable time was al- 
lowed for this purpose ; for Gen. Howe, instead of 
pushing directly for New York, retired to Halifax 
with the forces withdrawn from Boston. He 
there waited for the promised reinforcements from 
England ; but, impatient of delay, sailed without 
them for New York, and took possession of Staten 
Island in the latter end of June. He was soon 
followed by his brother, Admiral Howe, and their 
whole force was assembled about the middle of Ju- 
ly, and in apparent readiness for opening the cam- 
paign. Before hostilities were commenced, the 
British General and Admiral, in their quality of 
civil commissioners for effecting a reunion between 
Great Britain and the Colonies, made an attempt 
at negotiation. To introduce this business, they 
sent a flag ashore with a letter addressed to George 
Washington, Esq. This he refused to receive, as 
not being addressed to him with the title due to 
his rank, and at the same time wrote to Congress, 



44 THE LIFE OF 

' That he would not, on any occasion, sacrifice 
essentials to punctilio, but in this instance, deem- 
ed it a duty to his country to insist on that respect 
which, in any other than a public view, he would 
willingly have waved." Some time after, Adju- 
tant General Patterson was sent by I en. Howe 
with a letter addressed to George Washington, 
&c. &c. &c. On an interview, the Adjutant Gen- 
eral, after expressing his high esteem for the per- 
son and character of the American General, and 
declaring that it was not intended to derogate from 
the respect due to his rank, expressed his hopes, 
that the et ceteras would remove the impediments 
to their correspondence. Gen. Washington re- 
plied, " That a letter directed to any person in a 
public character, should have some description of 
it, otherwise it would appear a mere private letter; 
that it was true the et ceteras implied every thing, 
but they also implied any thing, and that he should 
therefore decline the receiving any letter directed 
to him as a private person, when it related to his 
public station." A long conference ensued, in 
which the Adjutant General observed, that " the 
Commissioners were armed with great powers, 
and would be very happy in effecting an accom- 
modation." He received for answer, "that from 
what appeared, their powers were only to grant 
pardons ; that they who had committed no fault 
wanted no pardon." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



45 



On the arrival of Gen. Howe at Staten Island, 
the American army did not exceed ten thousand 
men, but by sundry reinforcements before the end 
of August, they amounted to twenty seven thous- 
and. Of these a great part were militia, and one 
fourth of the whole was sick. The diseases inci- 
dent to new troops prevailed extensively, and were 
aggravated by a great deficiency in tents. These 
troops were so judiciously distributed on York 
Island, Long Island, Governor's Island, Paulus 
Hook, and on the Sound toward New Rochelle, 
East and West Chester, that the enemy were very 
cautious in determining when or where to com- 
mence offensive operations. Every probable point 
of debarkation was watched, and guarded with a 
force sufficient to embarrass, though very insuffi- 
cient to prevent, a landing. From the arrival of 
the British army at Staten Island, the Americans 
were in daily expectation of being attacked. Gen- 
eral Washington was therefore strenuous in pre- 
paring his troops for action. He tried every ex- 
pedient to kindle in their breasts the love of their 
country, and an high toned indignation against its 
invaders. In general orders he addressed them 
as follows. " The time is now near at hand, which 
must probably determine whether Americans are 
to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are to have 
any property they can call their own ; whether 



46 THE LIFE OF 

their houses and farms are to be pillaged and de- 
stroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of 
wretchedness, from which no human efforts will 
deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will 
now depend, under God, on the courage and con- 
duct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting 
enemy, leaves us only the choice of a brave re- 
sistance, or the most abject submission. We 
have therefore to resolve to conquer or to die. Our 
own, our country's honour, calls upon us for a 
vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shame- 
fully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole 
world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our 
cause, and the aid of the Supreme Being, in 
whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage 
us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all .our 
countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have 
their blessings and praises, if happily we are the 
instruments of saving them from the tyranny med- 
itated against them. Let us therefore animate 
and encourage each other, and show the whole 
world that a freeman contending for liberty on his 
own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary 
on earth." 

When the whole reinforcements of the enemy 
had arrived, Gen. Washington, in expectation of 
an immediate attack, again addressed his army, 
and called on them to remember that "liberty, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



47 



property, life, and honour, were all at stake ; that 
upon their courage and conduct, rested the hopes 
of their bleeding and insulted country ; that their 
wives, children, and parents, expected safety from 
them only ; and that they had every reason to be- 
lieve that Heaven would crown with success so 
just a cause." He farther added ; "The enemy 
will endeavour to intimidate by show and appear- 
ance, but remember they have been repulsed on 
various occasions by a few brave Americans. 
Their cause is bad ; their men are conscious of it, 
and if opposed with firmness and coolness on their 
first onset, with our advantage of works, and 
knowledge of the ground, the victory is most as- 
suredly ours. Every good soldier will be silent 
and attentive ; wait for orders ; and reserve his 
fire until he is sure of doing execution ; of this 
the officers are to be particularly careful." 

He then gave the most explicit orders that any 
soldier who should attempt to conceal himself, or 
retreat without orders, should instantly be shot 
down, as an example of the punishment of cow- 
ardice, and desired every officer to be particularly 
attentive to the conduct of his men, and report 
those who should distinguish themselves by brave 
and noble actions. These he solemnly promised 
to notice and reward. 

On the 22d. of August, the greatest part of the 
British troops landed on Long Island. Washing- 



48 



THE LIFE <M 



ton immediately made a farther effort -to rouse his 
troops to deeds of valour. " The enemy," said 
he, " have landed, and the hour is fast approach- 
ing on which the honour and success of this army, 
and the safety of our bleeding country, depends. 
Remember, officers and soldiers, that you are free- 
men, fighting for the blessings of Liberty ; that 
slavery will be your portion and that of your pos- 
terity, if you do not acquit yourselves like men. 
Remember how your courage has been despised 
and traduced by your cruel invaders, though they 
have found by dear experience at Boston, Charles- 
town, and other places, what a tew brave men, 
contending in their own land, and in the best of 
causes, can do against hirelings and mercenaries. 
Be cool, but determined. Do not fire at a dis- 
tance, but wait for orders from your officers." 
He repeated his injunctions, " to shoot down any 
person who should misbehave in action," and his 
hope " that none so infamous would be found, 
but that, on the contrary, each for himself resolv- 
ing to conquer or die, and trusting to the smiies 
of Heaven on so just a cause, would behave with 
bravery and resolution." His assurance of re- 
wards to those who should distinguish themselves, 
were repeated ; and he declared his confidence, 
" that if the army would but emulate and imitate 
their brave countrymen in other parts of Amer- 
ica, they would, by a glorious victory, save their 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 

country, and acquire to themselves immortal hon- 
our." 

On the 5th. day after their landing, the British 
attacked the Americans on Long Island, com- 
manded by Gen. Sullivan. The variety of ground 
and the different parties employed in different 
places, both in the attack and defence, occasioned 
a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and 
slaughter, which lasted for many hours. 

The Americans were defeated in all directions. 
The circumstances which eminently contributed 
to this, were the superior discipline of the assail- 
ants, and the want of early intelligence of their 
movements. There was not a single corps of cav- 
alry in the American army. The transmission of 
intelligence was of course always slow, and often 
impracticable. From the want of it, some of their 
detachments, while retreating before one portion 
of the enemy, were advancing toward another, of 
whose movements they were ignorant. 

Jn the height of the engagement Washington 
passed over to Long Island, and with infinite re- 
gret saw the slaughter of his best troops, but had 
not the power to prevent it ; for had he drawn 
his whole force to their support, he must have 
risked every thing on a single engagement. He 
adopted the wiser plan of evacuating the island, 
with all the forces he could bring off. In superin- 



50 Tin-: life 01 

tending this necessary, but difficult and dangerous 
movement, and the events of the preceding day, 
Washington was indefatigable. For forty eight 
hours he never closed his eyes, and was almost 
constantly on horseback. In less than thirteen 
hours, the field artillery, tents, baggage, and about 
nine thousand men, were conveyed from Long 
Island to the city of New York, over East River, 
and without the knowledge of the British, though 
not six hundred yards distant. The darkness of 
the night and a heavy fog in the morning, together 
with a fair wind after midnight, favoured this re- 
treat. It was completed without interruption some 
time after the dawning of the day. 

The unsuccessful termination of the late action, 
led to consequences more seriously alarming to 
the Americans, than the loss of their men. Hith- 
erto they had had such confidence in themselves, 
as engaged in the cause of liberty and their coun- 
try, that it outweighed all their apprehensions from 
the exact discipline of the British troops ; but 
now finding that many of them had been encircled 
in inextricable difficulties from the superior mili- 
tary skill of their adversaries, they went to the op- 
posite extreme, and began to think but very in- 
differently of themselves and their leaders, when 
opposed to disciplined troops. As often as they 
saw the enemy approaching, they suspected a mil- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



51 



itary manoeuvre, from which they supposed noth- 
ing could save them but immediate flight. Ap- 
prehensions of this kind might naturally be ex- 
pected from citizen soldiers, lately taken from ag- 
ricultural pursuits, who expected to lay aside the 
military character at the end of the current year. 
Washington, tremblingly alive to the state of his 
army, wrote to Congress on the sixth day after 
the defeat on Long Island, as follows ; " Our sit- 
uation is truly distressing. The check our de- 
tachment lately sustained has dispirited too great 
a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds 
with apprehension and despair. The militia, in- 
stead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave 
and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, 
are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. 
Great numbers of them have gone off; in some 
instances, almost by whole regiments, in many by 
half ones, and by companies at a time. This cir- 
cumstance of itself, independent of others, when 
fronted by a well appointed enemy, superior in 
number to our whole collected force, would be 
sufficiently disagreeable ; but when it is added, 
that their example hus infected another part of the 
army ; that their want of discipline and refusal of 
almost every kind of restraint and government, 
have rendered a like conduct but too common in 
the whole, and have produced an entire disregard 
of that order and subordination which is necessa- 



52 



THE LIFE OI- 



ry for an army, our condition is still more alarm- 
ing ; and with the deepest concern I am obliged 
to confess my want of confidence in the generali- 
ty of the troops. All these circumstances fully 
confirm the opinion I ever entertained, and which 
I more than once in my letters took the liberty of 
mentioning to Congress, that no dependence could 
be put in a militia, or other troops than those in- 
listed arid embodied for a longer period than our 
regulations have hitherto prescribed. I am fully 
convinced that our liberties must of necessity be 
great!) hazarded, if not entirely lost, if their de- 
fence be left to any but a permanent army. 

" Nor would the expense incident \o the sup- 
port of such a body of troops as would be compe- 
tent to every exigency, far exceed that which is 
incurred by calling in daily succours and new in* 
listments, which, when effected, are not attended 
with any good consequences. Men who have 
been free and subject to no control, cannot be re- 
duced to order in an instant ; and the privileges 
and exemptions they claim, and will have, influ- 
ence the conduct of others in such a manner, that 
the aid derived from them is nearly counterbalanc- 
ed by the disorder, irregularity, and confusion 
they occasion." 

In fourteen days after this serious remonstrance, 
Congress resolved to raise eighty eight battalions 
to serve during the war. Under these circum- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. *J 

stances, to wear away the campaign with as little 
loss as possible, so as to gain time to raise a per- 
manent army against the next year, was to the 
Americans an object of the greatest importance. 

Gen. Washington,- after much deliberation, de- 
termined on a war of posts. Recent events con- 
firmed him in the policy of defending his country 
by retreating, when he could no longer stand his 
ground without risking his army. He well knew 
that by adopting it he would subject himself to the 
imputation of wanting energy and decision ; but 
with him the love of country was paramount to all 
other considerations. 

In conformity to these principles, the evacua- 
tion of New York was about this time resolved 
upon, whensoever it could no longer be maintain- 
ed without risking the army. Arrangements 
were accordingly made for a temporary dt fence, 
and an ultimate retreat when necessity required. 
The British, now in possession of Long Isiand, 
could at pleasure pass over to York Island or the 
main. Washington was apprehensive that they 
would land above him, cut off his retreat, and force 
him to a general action on York Island. He there- 
fore moved his public stores to Dobbs' ferry, and 
stationed twelve thousand men at the northern end 
of York Island. With the remainder he kept up 
the semblance of defending New York, though he 



54 



THE LIFE OF 



had determined to abandon it, rather than risk his 
army for its preservation. 

While Washington was making arrangements 
to save his troops and stores by evacuating and re- 
treating, the British commander was prosecuting 
his favourite scheme of forcing the Americans to 
a general action, or breaking the communication 
between their posts. With this view he landed 
about four thousand men at Kipp's Bay, three miles 
above New York, under cover of live men of war. 
Works had been thrown up at this place, which 
were capable of being defended for some time, and 
troops were stationed in them for that purpose ; 
but they fled with precipitation without waiting 
for the approach of the enemy. Two brigades 
were put in motion to support them. Gen. Wash- 
ington rode to the scene of action, and to his great 
mortification met the whole party retreating. While 
he was exerting himself to rally them, on the ap- 
pearance of a small corps of the enemy, they again 
broke, and ran off in disorder. Such dastardly 
conduct raised a tempest in the usually tranquil 
mind of Gen. Washington. Having embarked in 
the American cause from the purest principles, he 
viewed with infinite concern this shameful behav- 
iour, as threatening ruin to his country. He recol- 
lected the many declarations of Congress, of the ar- 
my, and of the inhabitants, preferring liberty to life. 



UEORGE WASHINGTON. 



55 



and death to dishonour, and contrasted them with 
their present scandalous flight. His soul was har- 
rowed up with apprehensions that his country- 
would be conquered, her army disgraced, and her 
liberties destroyed. He anticipated, in imagina- 
tion, that the Americans would appear to posteri- 
ty m the light of high sounding boasters, who blus- 
tered when danger was at a distance, but shrunk 
at the shadow of opposition. Extensive confisca- 
tions, and numerous attainders, presented them- 
selves in full view to his agitated mind. He saw 
in imagination new formed states, with the means 
of defence in their hands, and the glorious pros- 
pects of liberty before them, levelled to the dust ; 
and such constitutions imposed on them, as were 
likely to crush the vigour of the human mind ; 
while the unsuccessful issue of the present strug- 
gle would, for ages to come, deter posterity from 
the bold design of asserting their rights. Im- 
pressed with these ideas, he hazarded his person 
for some considerable time in rear of his own men, 
and in front of the enemy, with his horse's head 
toward the latter, as if in expectation that, by an 
honourable death, he might escape the infamy he- 
dreaded from the dastardly conduct of troops on 
whom he could place no dependence. His aids, 
and the confidential friends around his person, by 
indirect violence, compelled him to retire. In 



56 THE LIFE OF 

consequence of* their address and importunity, a 
life was saved for public service, which, other- 
wise, from a sense of honour and a gust of pas- 
sion, seemed to be devoted to almost certain de- 
struction. 

The shameful events of this day, hastened the 
evacuation of New York. This was effected with 
very little loss of men, but all the heavy artillery 
and a large portion of the baggage, provisions, 
military stores, and particularly the tents, were 
unavoidably left behind. The loss of the last 
mentioned article was severely felt in that season, 
when cold weather was rapidly approaching. 

The British having got possession of the city 
of New York, advanced in front of it, and stretch- 
ed their encampments across York Island; while 
their shipping defended their flanks. Washington 
had made his strongest post at Kingsbridge, as 
that preserved his communication with the coun- 
try. In front of this, and near to the British, he 
had a strong detachment posted in an intrenched 
camp. This position of the two armies was par- 
ticularly agreeable to him ; for he wished to ac- 
custom his raw troops to face their enemies, hop- 
ing that by frequent skirmishes they would grow 
so familiar with the dangers incident to war, as to 
fear them less. Opportunities of making the ex- 
periment soon occurred. On the day after the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



•57 



retreat from New York, a skirmish took place be- 
tween an advanced detachment of the British army 
and some American troops, commanded by Col. 
Knowlton, of Connecticut, and Major Leitch, of 
Virginia. Both these officers fell, bravely fighting 
at the head of their troops. The captains with 
their men kept the ground, and fairly beat their 
adversaries from the field. This was the first ad- 
vantage the army under the command of Wash- 
ington had gained in the campaign. Its influence 
on the army was great. To increase its effects, 
the parole the next clay was " Leitch," and the 
General gave public thanks to the troops engaged 
therein. He contrasted their conduct with the 
late shameful flight of the troops from the works 
on Kipp's Bay, and observed, " That the result 
proved what might be done, where officers and 
men exerted themselves;" and again called on all 
" so to act as not to disgrace the noble cause in 
which they were engaged." 

General Howe continued to prosecute his scheme 
for cutting off Washington's communication with 
the eastern states, and enclosing him so as to com- 
pel a general engagement. With this view the 
royal army landed on Frog's Neck, in West Ches- 
ter county, and soon after advanced to New Ro- 
chelle, and made sundry successive movements, 
all calculated to effect this purpose. A few skir- 



58 



TilK L1I-'K OF 



mishes took place, but a general action was care- 
fully avoided by Washington, except in one case, 
in which he had such a manifest advantage from 
his position on hills near the White Plains, that 
Gen. Howe declined it. The project of getting 
in the rear of the American army was in like man- 
ner frustrated by frequent and judicious changes 
of its position. Gen. Howe failing in his first de- 
sign, adopted a new plan of operations. His eiforts 
were henceforward directed to an invasion of New 
Jersey. Washington, penetrating his designs, cross- 
ed the North River, He wrote to William Liv- 
ingston, governor of New Jersey, urging him to 
put the militia of that State in the best state of 
preparation to defend their country, and also rec- 
ommending the removal of stock and provisions 
from the sea coast. About this time Fort Wash- 
ington was taken by storm, and the garrison, con- 
sisting of more than two thousand men, with their 
commander, Col. Magaw, surrendered prisoners 
of war. This was the only post held by the Amer- 
icans on York Island ; and was an exception to 
the general plan of evacuating and retreating. 
Hopes had been indulged that it might be defend- 
ed, and in conjunction with Fort Lee, on the op- 
posite Jersey shore, made useful in embarrassing 
the passage of British vessels up and down the 
North River. This post having fallen, orders for 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



59 



the evacuation of Fort Lee were immediately giv- 
en ; but before the stores could be removed, Lord 
Cornwallis crossed the North River with six thou- 
sand men. Washington retreating before him, 
took post along the Hackensack. His situation 
there was nearly similar to that which he had aban- 
doned ; for he was liable to be enclosed between the 
Hackensack and the Pasaic rivers. He therefore, 
on the approach of the enemy, passed over to New- 
ark. He stood his ground there for some days, 
as if determined on resistance ; but being incapa- 
ble of any effectual opposition, retreated to Bruns- 
wick, on the day Lord Cornwallis entered Newark. 
At Brunswick Washington kept his troops in mo- 
tion, and even advanced a small detachment, as if 
intending to engage the enemy. Nor did he quit 
this position till their advanced guards were in 
sight. Lord Stirling was left at Princeton with 
twelve hundred men, to watch the British ; and 
Washington proceeded with the residue to Tren- 
ton. There he meant to make a stand. Orders 
were previously given to collect and guard all the 
boats for seventy miles on the Delaware. The 
baggage and stores were also passed over. These 
being secured, Washington detached twelve hun- 
dred men to Princeton, to keep up the appearance 
of opposition, and soon followed with about two 
thousand militia men who had recently joined him. 



60 THE LIFE OF 

Before he reached Princeton, intelligence was re- 
ceived that Lord Cornwallis, strongly reinforced, 
was advancing from Brunswick in different direc- 
tions, with the apparent design of getting in his 
rear. An immediate retreat over the Delaware 
became necessary. This was effected on the 
8th. of December. Washington secured all his 
boats on the Pennsylvania side ; broke down the 
bridges on roads leading to the opposite shores, 
and posted his troops at the different fording places. 
So keen was the pursuit, that as the rear guard 
of the retreating army embarked, the van of the 
enemy came in sight. The British having driven 
the American army out of Jersey, posted them- 
selves up and down the Delaware, and small par- 
ties passed and repassed from one to the other, 
without any interruption. They made some at- 
tempts to get boats, but failed. They also repair- 
ed some of the bridges that had been recently de- 
stroyed, and pushed forward a strong detachment 
to Bordenton. This was intended to increase their 
chances for crossing, and to embarrass Washington, 
who could not tell from which of their several po- 
sitions they would make the attempt. Gen. Put- 
nam was in the mean time sent on to superintend 
the erection of lines of defence from the Schuylkill 
to the Delaware, for the security of Philadelphia. 
Small redoubts were hastily thrown up to guard 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



61 



the fording places ; and Germantown was fixed 
upon as a place of rendezvous, in case the British 
should cross and drive the Americans from their 
extended encampments on the Delaware. This 
retreat through the Jerseys was attended with al- 
most every circumstance that could occasion em- 
barrassment or depression. Washington was 
pressed with difficulties on all sides. In casting 
his eyes around, he could not promise himself ad- 
equate support from any quarter. His gloomy 
prospects were not brightened by any expectations, 
on the fulfilment of which he could depend. Dis- 
trusting, but not despairing, he asked Col. Reed, 
" Should we retreat to the back parts of Pennsyl- 
vania, will the Pennsylvanians support us ?" The 
Colonel answered, "If the lower counties are sub- 
dued and give up, the back counties will do the 
same." Washington nobly replied, " We must 
retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. Numbers 
will be obliged to repair to us for safety, and we 
must try what we can do, in carrying on a preda- 
tory war ; and if overpowered, we must cross the 
Alleghany mountains." Gen. Washington had 
no cavalry but a small corps of badly mounted 
Connecticut militia, and was almost equally desti- 
tute of artillery, while conducting this retreat. It 
commenced in a few days after the reduction of 
Fort Washington, in which the flower of the 



62 



THE LIFE OF 



American army were made prisoners of war. A 
great part of the retreating troops consisted of 
those who had garrisoned Fort Lee. These had 
been compelled to abandon their post so sudden- 
ly, that they left behind them their tents, blankets, 
and cooking utensils. In this situation they re- 
treated, badly armed, worse clad, and in many 
instances barefooted, in the cold months of No- 
vember and December, through a desponding 
country, more disposed to seek safety by submis- 
sion than resistance. Under all these disadvan- 
tages, they performed a march of about ninety 
miles, and had the address to prolong it to a space 
of nineteen days, that as much time as possible 
might be gained for expected reinforcements to 
arrive. As they retreated through the country, 
scarcely one of the inhabitants joined them ; while 
numbers daily flocked to the British army, and 
took the benefit of a royal proclamation issued at 
this critical time, for pardoning all who, within six- 
ty days, would return to the condition of British 
subjects. 

The small force which began this retreat was 
daily lessening, by the expiration of the term of 
service for which they were engaged. This ter- 
minated in November with many, and in Decem- 
ber with nearly two thirds of the residue. No 
persuasions were availing to induce their continu- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. OJ 

ance. They abandoned their General, when the 
advancing enemy was nearly in sight. The Penn- 
sylvania militia was engaged to the first day of 
January, but they deserted in such numbers that 
it became necessary to place guards at the ferries 
to stop them. Two regiments had been ordered 
from Ticonderoga to join Gen. Washington, but 
their term of service expired on the first of De- 
cember. They refused to reinlist, and went off, 
to a man. Gen. Lee, who commanded the east- 
ern troops, was repeatedly ordered by Washing- 
ton to cross the North River, and join the retreat- 
ing army ; but these orders were not obeyed. 
While at a distance both from his troops and the 
enemy, he was surprised and taken prisoner by the 
British. This begat suspicions, that, despairing 
of the success of the Americans, he had chosen to 
abandon their service. Though these apprehen- 
sions were without foundation, they produced the 
same mischievous effects on the minds of the peo- 
ple as if they were realities. About the same 
time Congress thought it expedient to leave Phi- 
ladelphia and retire to Baltimore. 

Under all these trying circumstances, Washing- 
ton was undismayed. He did not despair of the 
public safety. With unconquerable firmness and 
the most perfect self possession, he was always the 
same, and constantly showed himself to his army 



64 THE LIFE OF 

with a serene and undisturbed countenance. Noth- 
ing was omitted by him that could embarrass the 
enemy, or animate his army and country. He 
forcibly pointed out to Congress the defective con- 
stitution of their army, without cavalry, without 
artillery and engineers ; and enlarged upon the 
impolicy of short inlistments, and placing conn- 
dence in militia suddenly called out and frequent- 
ly changed. He urged these matters with great 
warmth ; but to prevent offence, added, " A char- 
acter to lose ; an estate to forfeit ; the inestima- 
ble blessing of liberty at stake ; and a life devoted, 
must be my excuse." He also hinted at the pro- 
priety of enlarging his powers so as to enable him 
to act in cases of urgency, without application to 
Congress ; but apologized for this liberty by de- 
claring, " that he felt no lust of power, and wish- 
ed with the greatest fervency for an opportunity of 
turning the sword into a ploughshare ;" but add- 
ed, " his feelings as an officer and a man had been 
such as to force him to say, that no person ever 
had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with 
than himself." 

In this very dangerous crisis, Washington 
made every exertion to procure reinforcements to 
supply the place of those who were daily leaving 
him. He sent Generals Mifflin and Armstrong 
to rouse the citizens of Pennsylvania. Col. Reed 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 03 

was despatched to Governor Livingston, to urge 
on him the necessity of calling out the Jersey mi- 
litia. These exertions were in a great measure 
unavailing, except in and near the city of Phila- 
delphia. Fifteen hundred of the citizens of that 
metropolis associated together, and marched to 
the aid of Washington. Though most of these 
were accustomed to the habits of a city lif , they 
slept in tents, barns, and sometimes in the open 
air, during the cold months of December and Jan- 
uary. 

On the capture of Gen. Lee, the command of 
his army devolved on Gen. Sullivan, who, in obe- 
dience to the orders formerly given, joined Gen. 
Washington. About the same time an addition 
was made to his force by the arrival of a part of 
the northern army. The Americans now amount- 
ed to about seven thousand men, though during 
the retreat through the Jerseys, they were seldom 
equal to half that number. The two armies were 
separated from each other by the river Delaware. 
The British, in the security of conquest, canton- 
ed their troops in Burlington, Bordenton, Trenton, 
and other towns of New Jersey, in daily expecta- 
tion of being enabled to cross into Pennsylvania 
by means of ice, which is generally formed about 
that time. On receiving information of their num- 
bers and different cantonments, Washington ob- 
10 



66 THE LIFE OF 

served, " Now is the time to clip their wings^ 
when they are so spread. 1 ' Yielding to hisnative 
spirit of enterprise which had hitherto been re- 
pressed, he formed the bold design of i\ crossing 
the Delaware, and attacking the British posts on 
its eastern banks. 

In the evening of Christmas day he made ar- 
rangements for passing over in three divisions ; at 
M'Konkey's ferry, at Trenton, and at or near Bor- 
denton. The troops which were to have crossed 
at the two last places exerted themselves to get 
over, but failed from the quantity of ice which ob- 
structed their passage. The main body, about 
two thousand four hundred men, began to cross 
very early in the evening ; but were so retarded by 
ice that it was nearly four o'clock in the morning 
before they were in a condition to take up their 
line of march on the Jersey side. They were 
formed in two divisions. One was ordered to pro- 
ceed on the lower or river road ; the other on the 
U] per or Pennington road. These having nearly 
the same distance to march K were ordered imme- 
diately on forcing the out guards, to push directly 
into Trenton, that they might charge the enemy 
before they had time to form. Though they 
marched different roads, yet they arrived within 
three minutes of each other. The out guards of 
the Hessian troops at Trenton soon fell back ; but 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67 

Jkept up a constant retreating fire. Their main 
body being hard pressed by the Americans, who 
had already got possession of half their artillery, 
attempted to file off by a road leading toward 
Princeton, but were checked by a body of troops 
thrown in their way. Finding they were surround- 
ed, they laid down their arms. The number which 
submitted was twenty three officers and eight hun- 
dred and eighty six men. Between thirty and for- 
ty of the Hessians were killed and wounded. Col. 
Rahl was among the former, and seven of his offi- 
cers among the latter. Captain Washington, of 
the Virginia troops, and five or six of the Ameri- 
cans, were wounded. Two were killed, and two 
or three were frozen to death. The detachment 
in Trenton consisted of the regiments of Rahl, Los- 
berg, and Kniphausen, amounting in the whole to 
about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British 
light horse. All these were killed or captured, 
except about six hundred, who escaped by the road 
leading to Bordenton. 

The British had a strong battalion of light infan- 
try at Princeton, and a force yet remaining near 
the Delaware, superior to the American army. 
Washington, therefore, in the evening of the same 
day, thought it most prudent to cross into Penn- 
sylvania with his prisoners. These being secur- 
ed, he recrossed the Delaware, and took posses- 



68 



THK l AVE OF 



sion of Trenton. The detachments which had 
been distributed over New Jersey previous to the 
capture of the Hessians, immediately after that 
event assembled at Princeton, and were joined by 
the army from Brunswick under Loid Cornwallis. 
From this position they came forward to Trenton 
in great force, hoping, by a vigorous onset, to re 
pair the injury their cause had sustained by the 
late defeat. 

Truly delicate was the situation of the feeble 
American army. To retreat was to hazard the city 
of Philadelphia, and to destroy every ray of hope 
which began to dawn from their late success. To 
risk an action with a superior force in front, and 
a river in rear, was dangerous in the extreme. 
To get round the advanced party of the British, 
and, by pushing forwards, to attack in their rear, 
was deemed preferable to either. The British, on 
th> ir advance from Princeton, attacked a body 
of Americans which were posted with four field 
s a little to the northward of Trenton, and 
compelled them to retreat. The pursuing British 
being checked at the bridge over Sanpink creek 
b\ some- field pieces, fell back so far as to be out 
of their reach. The Americans were drawn up 
on the opposite side of the creek, and in that po- 
sition remained till night, canonading the enemy 
and receiving their lire. h\ this critical hour, twe 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69 

armies, on which the success or failure of the 
American revolution materially depended, were 
crowded into the small village of Trenton, a..d only 
separated by a creek, in many places fordable. 

The British, believing they had all the advan- 
tages they could wish for, and that they could use 
them when they pleased, discontinued all farther 
operations, and kept themselves in readiness to 
make the attack next morning;. But the next 
morning presented a scene as brilliant^ on the one 
side, as it was unexpected on the other. Soon 
after it became dark, Washington ordered all his 
baggage to be silently removed, and having left 
guards for the purpose of deception, marched with 
his whole force by a circuitous route to Princeton. 
This manoeuvre was determined upon in a council 
of war, from a conviction that it would avoid the 
appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the 
hazard of an action in a bad position, and that it 
was the most likely way to preserve the city of 
Philadelphia from falling into the hands of the 
British. Washington also presumed, that, from 
an eagerness to efface the impressions made by 
the late capture of the Hessians at Trenton, the 
British commanders had pushed forward their 
principal force ; and that the remainder in the rear 
at Princeton, was not more than equal to his own. 
The event verified this conjecture. The more 



70 



TIIR LIFE OF 



effectually to disguise the departure of the Amer- 
icans from Trenton, fires were lighted up in 
front of their camp. These not only gave an 
appearance of going to rest, but, as flame can- 
not be seen through, concealed from the British 
what was transacting behind them. In this rela- 
tive position they were a pillar of fire to the one 
army, and the pillar of a cloud to the other. Prov- 
idence favoured this movement of the Americans. 
The weather had been for some time so warm and 
moist that the ground was soft, and the roads so 
deep as to be scarcely passable ; but the wind 
suddenly changed to the northwest, and the ground 
in a short time was frozen so hard that when the 
Americans took up their line of march, they were 
no more retarded than if they had been upon a 
solid pavement. 

Washington reached Princeton early in the morn- 
ing, and would have completely surprised the Brit- 
ish, had not a party which was on their way to 
Trenton descried his troops when they were about 
two miles distant, and sent back couriers to alarm 
their unsuspecting fellow soldiers in their rear. 
These consisted of the 17th. the 40th. and 55th. 
regiments of British infantry, and some of the roy- 
al artillery, with two field pieces, and three troops 
of light dragoons. The centre of die Americans, 
consisting of the Philadelphia militia, while on 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



71 



their line of march, was briskly charged by a par- 
ty oi the BritiSii, and gave way in disorder. The 
moment was critical. Washington pushed for- 
ward, and placed himself between his own men 
aid the British, with his horse's head fronting the 
latter. The Americans, encouraged by his exam- 
ple and exhortations, made a stand, and returned 
the B.itish fire. The General, though between 
both parties, was providentially uninjured by eith- 
er. A party of the British fled into the college, 
and were there attacked with field pieces, which 
were fired into it. The seat of the muses became 
for some time the scene of action. The party 
which had taken refuge in the college, after receiv- 
ing a [e\v discharges from the American field 
pieces, came out and surrendered themselves pris- 
oners of war. In the course of the ens;asrement 
sixty of the British were killed, and a great num- 
ber wounded, and about three hundred of them 
taken prisoners. * The rest made their escape, some 
by pushing on to Trenton ; others by returning 
to Brunswick. 

While they were fighting in Princeton, the Brit- 
ish in Trenton were under arms, and on the point 
of making an assault on the evacuated camp of the 
Americans. With so much address had the move- 
ment to Princeton been conducted, that though 
from the critical situation of the two armies every 



72 



THE LIFE 01 



ear may be supposed to have been open, and every 
watchfulness to have been employed, yet Wash- 
ington moved completely off the ground with his 
whole force, stores, baggage, and artillery, un- 
known to and unsuspected by his adversaries. 
The British in Trenton were so entirely deceived, 
that when they heard the report of the artillery at 
Princeton, though it was in the depth of winter, 
they supposed it to be thunder. 

The British, astonished at these bold movements 
of an enemy supposed to be vanquished, instant- 
ly fell back with their whole force, and abandon- 
ed every post they held to the southward of New- 
York, except Brunswick and Amboy. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



CHAPTER IV 



CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New Jersey and Pennsyl- 
vania, in the campaign of 1777 The battles orBrandy wine and Get- 

mantown... ..Washington is advised by the Rev. Jacob Duche, to give 

up tiie contest The distresses of the American army .. Its winter 

quarters in Valley Forge Gen. Washington is assailed by the clam- 
ours of discontented individuals and public bodies, and by the designs 
of a faction to supersede him in his office as commander in chief. 



The victories at Trenton and Princeton produced 
the most extensive effects, and had a decided in- 
fluence on subsequent events. Philadelphia was 
saved for that winter. Jersey was recovered. 
The drooping spirits of the Americans were re- 
vived. The gloomy apprehensions which had 
lately prevailed, of their being engaged in a hope- 
less cause, yielded to a confidence in their Gener- 
al and their army, and in the ultimate success of 
their struggles for liberty and independence. So 
strong an impulse was given to the recruiting ser- 
vice in every part of the United States, as gave 
good ground to hope that the commander in chief 
would be enabled to take the field in the spring 
with a permanent regular army, on the new terms 
of inlistment. 

11 



74 Yhe life of 

After the campaign had been thus carried into 
the month of January, Washington retired to Mor- 
ristown, that he might afford shelter to his suffer- 
ing army. His situation there was far from being 
eligible. His force for some considerable time 
was trifling, when compared with that of the Brit- 
ish ; but the enemy and his own countrymen be- 
lieved the contrary. Their deception was cherish- 
ed and artfully continued by the parade of a large 
army. Washington placed his officers in posi- 
tions of difficult access, and they kept up a con- 
stant communication with each other. This se- 
cured them from insult and surprise. While they 
covered the country, they harassed the foraging 
parties of the British, and confined them to narrow 
limits. 

The remainder of the winter season passed over 
in a light war of skirmishes. These were gener- 
ally in favour of the Americans ; but Washing- 
ton's views were much more extensive. He hop- 
ed that his country, encouraged by the late suc- 
cesses at Trenton and Princeton, would have plac- 
ed at his disposal a large and efficient army, equal 
to that of the enemy. To obtain it, he urged with 
great earnestness the advantage of being enabled 
to undertake decisive operations before reinforce- 
ments to the British army should arrive. Con- 
gress, at his instance, passed the requisite resolu- 



GE0RCE WASHINGTON. 75 

tions ; but these could not be carried into effect 
without the aid of the state legislatures. The de- 
lays incident to this slow mode of doing business, 
added to the recollection of the suffering of the 
troops in the last campaign, retarded the recruit- 
ing service. Washington with infinite reluctance 
was obliged to give up his favourite project of an 
early active campaign. 

In the advance of the spring, when recruits were 
obtained, a difficulty arose in assembling them 
from the different states in which they had been 
inlisted. As the British had possession of the 
ocean, they could at pleasure transfer the war to 
any maritime portion of the union. Each state, 
anxious for its particular safety, claimed protection 
from the common army of the whole. Had they 
been indulged, the feeble remnant under the im- 
mediate direction of the commander in chief, 
would have been unequal to any great enterprise. 
To these partial calls he opposed all his authority 
and influence, and his pointed representations made 
an impression in favour of primary objects. These 
were to prevent the British from getting possession 
of Philadelphia, or the Highlands on the Hudson. 
Both were of so nearly equal importance to their 
interest, that it was impossible to ascertain which 
should be preferred by Sir William Howe. In 
this uncertainty, Washington made such an ar^ 



76 11 IE LIFE OF 

rangement of his troops as would enable him to 
oppose either. The northern troops were: di\ ided 
between Ticonderoga and Peekskill ; while those 
from Jersey and the south were encamped at Mid- 
dlcbrook, near the Rariton. The American force 
collected at this strong and defensible encamp- 
ment, was nominally between nine and ten thous- 
and men ; but the effective rank and file was about 
six thousand. A majority of these were raw re- 
cruits ; and a considerable number of such as had 
been inlisted in the middle states were foreigners 
or servants. To encourage the desertion of troops 
so slightly attached to the American cause, Gen. 
Howe offered a reward to every soldier who would 
come over to his army, and an additional compen- 
sation to such as would bring their arms with 
them. To counteract these propositions, Wash- 
ington recommended to Congress to give full par- 
don to all Americans who would relinquish the 
British service. 

The campaign opened early in June on the part 
of the British, who advanced toward Philadelphia 
as far as Somerset county, in New Jersey ; but 
they soon fell back to New Brunswick. After 
this retreat, Sir William Howe endeavoured to 
provoke Washington to an engagement, and left 
no manoeuvre untried that was calculated to in- 
duce him to quit his position. At one time he 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



77 



appeared as if he intended to push on, without re- 
garding the army opposed to him. At another, 
he accurately examined the situation of the Amer- 
ican encampment ; hoping that some unguarded 
part might be found on which an attack might be 
made that would open the way to a general en- 
gagement. All these hopes were frustrated. 
Washington knew the full value of his situation. 
He had too much penetration to lose it from the 
circumvention of military manoeuvres, and too 
much temper to be provoked to a dereliction of it. 
He was well apprised it was not the interest of 
his country to commit its fortune to a single ac- 
tion. 

Sir William Howe suddenly relinquished his 
position in front of the Americans, and retired with 
his whole force to Amboy. The apparently re- 
treating British were pursued by a considerable 
detachment of the American army, and Washing- 
ton advanced from Middlebrook to Quibbletown, 
"to be near at hand for the support of his advanced 
parties. The British General immediately march- 
ed his army back from Amboy, with great expe- 
dition, hoping to bring on a general action on equal 
ground ; but he was disappointed. Washington 
fell back, and posted his army in such an advan- 
tageous situation as compensated for the inferiority 
of his numbers. Sir William Howe was now i'ul- 



78 THE LIFE OF 

\y convinced of the impossibility of compelling a 
general engagement on equal terms, and also sat- 
isfied that it would be too hazardous to attempt 
passing the Delaware while the country was in 
arms, and the main American army in full force in 
his rear. He therefore returned to Amboy, and 
thence passed over to Staten Island, resolving to 
prosecute the objects of the campaign by an em- 
barkation of his whole force at New York. Dur- 
ing the period of these movements, the real de- 
signs of Gen. Howe were involved in obscurity. 
Though the season for military operations was ad- 
vanced as far as the month of July, yet his deter- 
minate object could not be ascertained. Nothing 
on his part had hitherto taken place, but alternate- 
ly advancing and retreating. Washington's em- 
barrassment on this account was increased by in- 
telligence which arrived, that Burgoyne was ad- 
vancing in great force toward New York from 
Canada. Apprehending that Sir William Howe 
would ultimately move up the North River, and 
that his movements which looked southwardly 
were feints, the American chief detached a brig- 
ade to reinforce the northern division of his army. 
Successive advices of the advance of Burgoyne fa- 
voured the idea that a junction of the two royal 
armies, near Albany, was intended. Some move- 
ments were therefore made by Washington to- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



79 



ward Peekskill, and on the other side toward Tren- 
ton, while the main army was encamped near the 
Clove, in readiness to march either to the north or 
south, as the movements of Sir William Howe 
might require. 

After the British had left Sandy Hook, they 
looked into the Delaware, and suddenly again put 
out to sea, and were not heard of for near three 
weeks, except that once or twice they had been 
seen near the coast steering southwardly. Charles- 
ton, in South Carolina, was supposed to be their 
object at one time ; at another, Philadelphia by 
the way of Chesapeak ; at another, the Highlands 
of New York, to co-operate with Burgoyne. 

The perplexing uncertainty concerning the des- 
tination of the enemy which embarrassed the 
movements of Washington, was not done away be- 
fore the middle of August, when certain accounts 
were received that the British had taken posses- 
sion of the Chesapeak, and landed as near to Phi- 
ladelphia as was practicable. While the object of 
the campaign was doubtful, every disposition was 
made to defend all the supposed probable points 
of attack except Charleston. This being at the 
distance of seven or eight hundred miles, could 
not be assisted by an army marching over land, in 
time to oppose the enemy conveyed thither by 
water. While this idea prevailed, arrangements 



80 



i'liK LIFE Ol- 



were made to employ the American army either 
against the enemy advancing iVom Albany, or 
against the British posts in New York, with the 
hope of making reparation for the expected loss 
of Charleston. As soon as the arrival of the Brit- 
ish in the Chesapeak was known, Washington or- 
dered the different divisions of his army to unite 
in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, toward the 
head of Elk ; and the militia of Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, and the northern counties of Virginia, 
to take the field. He had previously written very 
pressing letters to the Governors of the eastern 
states, and to the Generals in the western parts of 
these states, to strengthen the northern army op- 
posed to Burgoyne ; and even weakened himself 
by detaching some of his best troops, particularly 
Morgan's riflemen, on that important service. In 
the spirit of true patriotism, he diminished his 
own chances of acquiring feme, that the common 
cause might be most effectually promoted by the 
best disposition of the forces under his command, 
for simultaneous opposition to both Howe and 
Burgoyne. 

Washington passed his army with every appear- 
ance of confidence through the city of Philadel- 
phia, with a view of making some impression on 
the disaffected of that city, and afterward proceed- 
ed toward the head of Elk. About the same time 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81 

he directed Gen. Smallwood, with the militia of 
Maryland and Delaware, and some continental 
troops, to hang on the rear of the enemy. As a 
substitute for Morgan's riflemen, Gen. Maxwell 
was furnished with a corps of light infantry, 
amounting to one thousand men, and directed to 
annoy the British on their march through the 
country. These troops were afterward reinforced 
with Gen. Wayne's division. Though the mili- 
tia did not turn out with that alacrity which might 
have been expected from the energetic calls of 
Washington, yet a respectable force was assem- 
bled, which imposed on Sir William Howe a ne- 
ce isity of proceeding with caution. The royal ar- 
my set out from the eastern heads of the Chesa- 
peak on the third of September, with a spirit which 
promised to compensate for the various delays 
which had hitherto wasted the campaign. They 
advanced with great circumspection and boldness 
till they were within two miles of the American 
army, which was then posted in the vicinity of 
New Port. Washington soon changed his ground, 
and took post on the high ground near Chadd's 
Fort, on the Brandywine creek, with an intention 
of disputing the passage. It was the wish, but by 
no means the interest, of the Americans, to try 
their strength in an engagement. Their regular 

troops were not only inferior in discipline, but in 
12 



82 FHE LIFE 01' 

numbers, to the royal army. The opinion of the 

inhabitants, though founded on no circumstances 

more substantial than their wishes, imposed a spe- 
ar 

cies of necessity on the American General to keep 
his army in front of the enemy, and to risk an ac- 
tion for the security of Philadelphia. Instead of 
this, had he taken the ridge of high mountains on 
his right, the British must have respected his num- 
bers, and probably would have followed him up 
the country. In this manner the campaign might 
have been wasted away in a manner fatal to the 
invaders ; but the bulk of the American people 
were so impatient of delays, and had such an over- 
weening conceit of the numbers and prowess of 
their army, that they could not comprehend the 
wisdom and policy of manoeuvres to shun a gen- 
eral engagement. 

On this occasion necessity dictated that a sacri- 
fice should be made on the altar of public opinion. 
A general action was therefore hazarded. This 
took place at Chadd's Fort, on the Brandywine, a 
small stream which empties itself into Christiana 
creek, near its conflux with the river Delaware. 

The royal army advanced at day break in two 
columns, commanded by Lieutenant General 
Kniphausen and Lord Comwallis. The\ first took 
the direct road to Chadd's Ford, and made ashow 
of passing it, in front of the main body of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



83. 



Americans. At the same time the other column 
moved up on the west side of the Brandywine to 
its fork, and crossed both its branches, and then 
marched down on the east side thereof, with the 
view of turning the right wing of their adversa- 
ries. 

This they eflfecteci, and compelled them to re- 
treat with great loss. Gen. Kniphausen amused 
the Americans with the appearance of crossing the 
Ford, but did not attempt it until Lord Cornwal- 
lis, having crossed above and moved down on the 
opposite side, had commenced his attack. Knip- 
hausen then crossed the Ford and attacked the 
troops posted for its defence. These, after a se- 
vere conflict, were compelled to give way. The 
retreat of the Americans soon became general, and 
was continued to Chester. Their loss was about 
nine hundred, and considerably exceeded that of 
the British. The final issue of battles often de- 
pends on small circumstances, which human pru- 
dence cannot control. One of these occurred 
here, and prevented Gen. Washington from exe- 
cuting a bold design, to effect which his troops 
were actually in motion. This was to cross the 
Brandywine, and attack Kniphausen, while Gen. 
Sullivan and Lord Stirling should keep Earl Corn- 
wallis in check. In the most critical moment 
Washington received intelligence which he was 



84 



THE LIFE OF 



obliged to credit, that the column of Lord Corn- 
wallis had been only making a feint, and was re- 
turning to join Kniphausen. This prevented the 
execution of a plan, which, if carried into effect, 
would probably have given a different turn to the 
events of the day. 

Washington made every exertion to repair the 
loss which had been sustained. The battle of 
Brandy wine was represented as not being decisive. 
Congress and the people wished to hazard a sec- 
ond engagement, for the security of Philadelphia. 
Howe sought for it, and Washington did not de- 
cline it. He therefore advanced as far as the War- 
ren tavern, on the Lancaster road, with an inten- 
tion of meeting his adversary. Near that place 
both armies were on the point of engaging with 
their whole force ; but were prevented by a most 
violent storm of rain, which continued for a whole 
day and night. When the rain ceased, the Amer- 
icans found that their ammunition was entirely ru- 
ined. They therefore withdrew to a place of safe- 
ty. Before a proper supply was procured, the 
British marched from their position near the White 
Horse tavern, down toward the Swedes Ford. 
The Americans again took post in their front, but 
the British, instead of urging an action, began to 
march up toward Reading. To save the stores 
which had been deposited in that place, Washing- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



85 



ton took a new position, and left the British in un- 
disturbed possession of the roads which lead to 
Philadelphia. His troops were worn down with a 
succession of severe duties. There were in his 
army above a thousand men who were barefooted, 
and who had performed all their late movements 
in that condition. 

Though Washington had failed in his object of 
saving Philadelphia, vet he retained the confidence 
of Congress and the States. With an army infe- 
rior in numbers, discipline, and equipments, he 
delayed the British army thirty days in advancing 
sixty miles through an open country, without for- 
tifications, and the waters of which were every 
where fordable. Though defeated in one general 
action, he kept together his undisciplined and un- 
provided army, and in less than a week offered 
battle to his successful adversary. When this 
was prevented by a storm of rain which ruined his 
ammunition, while many of his soldiers were with- 
out bayonets, he extricated them from the most 
imminent danger, and maintained a respectable 
standing. Instead of immediately retiring into 
winter quarters, he approached the enemy and en- 
camped on the Skippack road. The British ar- 
my took their stand in Philadelphia and German- 
town, shortly after the battle of Brandy wine. From 
these positions, especially the last, considerable 



oO THE LIFE OF 

detachments were sent to Chester and the vicini- 
ty, to favour an attempt to open the navigation of 
the river Delaware, which had been obstructed 
with great ingenuity and industry by the Ameri- 
cans. 

About the same time the American army re- 
ceived a reinforcement of two thousand five hun- 
dred men, which increased its effective force to 
eleven thousand. 

General Washington conceived that the present 
moment furnished a fair opportunity for enterprise. 
He therefore resolved to attack the British in Ger- 
mantown. Their line of encampment crossed that 
village at right angles ; the left wing extending on 
the west to the Schuylkill. That wing was cov- 
ered in front and flank by the German chasseurs. 
A battalion of light infantry, and the queen's 
American rangers, were in front of the right. The 
40th. regiment, with another battalion of infantry, 
was posted at the head of the village. The Amer- 
icans moved from their encampment on the Skip- 
pack road in the evening of the third of October, 
with the intention of surprising their adversaries 
early next morning, and to attack both wings in 
front and rear at the same time, so as to prevent 
the several parts from supporting each other. The 
divisions of Greene and Stevens, flanked by M'Dou- 
gal's brigade, were to enter by the lime kiln road. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 

The militia of Maryland and Jersey, under Gen- 
erals Smalhvood and Furman, were to march by 
the old York road, and to fall upon the rear of 
their right. 

Lord Stirling, with Nashe's and Maxwell's brig- 
ade, were to form a corps de reserve. The Amer- 
icans began their attack about sunrise, on the 40th. 
regiment and a battalion of light infantry. These 
being obliged to retreat, were pursued into the 
village. On their retreat, Lieut. Col. Musgrove, 
with six companies, took post in Mr. Chew's 
strong stone house, which lay in front of the 
Americans. From an adherence to the military 
maxim of never leaving a fort possessed by an en- 
emy in the rear, it was resolved to attack the par- 
ty in the house. 

In the mean time Gen. Greene got up with his 
column, and attacked the right wing. Col. Ma- 
thews routed a party of the British opposed to him, 
killed several, and took one hundred and ten pris- 
oners ; but, from the darkness of the day, lost 
sight of the brigade to which he belonged, and 
having separated from it, was taken prisoner, with 
his whole regiment ; and the prisoners which he 
had previously taken were released. A number 
of the troops in Greene's division were stopped by 
the halt of the party before Chew's house. Near 
one half of the American armv remained for some 



88 THE LIFE OF 

time at that place inactive. In the mean time 
Gen. Grey led on three battalions of the third brig- 
ade, and attacked with vigour. A sharp contest 
followed. Two British regiments attacked at the 
same time on the opposite side of the town. Gen- 
eral Grant moved up the 49th. regiment to the aid 
of those who were engaged with Greene's col- 
umn. 

The morning was foggy. This, by concealing 
the true situation of the parties, occasioned mis- 
takes, and made so much caution necessary as to 
give the British time to recover from the effects 
of their first surprise. From these causes the ear- 
ly promising appearances on the part of the assail- 
ants were speedily reversed. The Americans left 
the field hastily, and all efforts to rally them were 
ineffectual. Washington was obliged to relin- 
quish the victory he had thought within his grasp, 
and to turn his whole attention to the security of 
his army. A retreat about twenty miles to Per- 
kioming was made, with the loss of only one piece 
of artillery. In the engagement the loss of the 
Americans, including the wounded and four hun- 
dred prisoners, was about eleven hundred. A 
considerable part of this was occasioned by the 
40th. regiment, which, from the doors and win- 
dows of Mr Chew's large stone house, kept up a 
constant fire on their uncovered adversaries. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON - . 89 

The plan of the battle of Germantown was ju- 
dicious, and its commencement well conducted ; 
but to ensure its successful execution, a steady co- 
operation of the several divisions of the assailants 
was necessary. The numerous enclosures to be 
passed, and the thickness of the fog, rendered this 
impossible ; especially by troops who were imper- 
fectly disciplined, and without the advantages of 
experience. 

Congress voted their unanimous thanks " to 
General Washington for his wise and well concert- 
ed attack, and to the officers and soldiers of the 
army, for their brave exertions on that occasion ;" 
and added, " they were well satisfied that the best 
designs and boldest efforts may sometimes fail b\ 
unforeseen incidents." 

In the latter part of the campaign of 1777, in 
proportion as the loss of Philadelphia became 
more probable, Washington took every precaution 
eventually to diminish its value to the enemy. 
Orders were given for moving the military stores 
and the vessels at the wharves of that city higher 
up the Delaware. From the time that the British 
got possession, every aid consistent with greater 
objects was given to the forts constructed on the 
Delaware for opposing the British in their attempts 
to open the navigation of that river. Troops were 
stationed on both sides of the Delaware to prevent 
13 



90 



THE LIFE OK 



the inhabitants from going with their provisions 
to the market of Philadelphia, and to destroy small 
foraging parties sent out to obtain supplies for the 
royal army. These arrangements being made, 
Washington advanced toward Philadelphia. His 
objects were to enfeeble the royal army in their 
operations against the forts on the Delaware ; to 
attack them if circumstances favoured, and pre- 
vent their receiving supplies from the country. 
The British shortly after evacuated Germantown ; 
concentered their force at Philadelphia, and direct- 
ed their principal attention to the opening the nav- 
igation of the Delaware. This employed them 
for more than six weeks ; and after a great dis- 
play of gallantry on both sides, was finally accom- 
plished. 

In this discouraging state of public affairs, a 
long letter was addressed by the reverend Jacob 
Duche, late chaplain of Congress, and a clergy- 
man of the first rank, for character, piety, and elo- 
quence, to Gen. Washington ; the purport of 
which was, to persuade him that farther resistance 
to Great Britain was hopeless, and would only in- 
crease the calamities of their common country ; 
and under this impression to urge him to make 
the best terms he could with the British command- 
er, and to give up the contest. Such a letter, at 
such a time, in unison with the known sentiments 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91 

of many desponding citizens, from a person whose 
character and connexions placed him above all 
suspicion of treachery, and whose attachment to 
his native country, America, was unquestionable, 
could not have failed to make an impression on 
minds of a feeble texture ; but from Washington, 
who never despaired of his country, the laboured 
epistle of the honest, but timid divine, received no 
farther notice than a verbal message to the writer 
thereof, " That if the contents of his letter had 
been known, it should have been returned unop- 
ened." 

While Sir William Howe was succeeding in 
every enterprise in Pennsylvania, intelligence ar- 
rived that Gen. Burgoyne and his whole army had 
surrendered prisoners of war to the Americans. 
Washington soon after received a considerable re- 
inforcement from the northern army, which had 
accomplished this great event. With this increas- 
ed force he took a position at and near White- 
marsh. The royal army having succeeded in re- 
moving the obstructions in the river Delaware, 
were ready for new enterprises. Sir William 
Howe marched out of Philadelphia, with almost 
his whole force, expecting to bring on a general 
engagement. The next morning he appeared on 
Chesnut hill, in front of, and about three miles 
distant from the right wing of the Americans. On 



\J'J THE LTJ'E OF 

the day following the British changed their ground, 
and moved to the right. Two days after they 
moved still farther to the right, and made every 
appearance of an intention to attack the American 
encampment. Some skirmishes took place, and a 
general action was hourly expected ; but instead 
thereof, on the morning of the next day, after va- 
rious marches and countermarches, the British fil- 
ed off from their right by two or three different 
routes, in full march for Philadelphia. 

While the two armies were manoeuvring, in con- 
stant expectation of an immediate engagement, 
Washington rode through every brigade of his an- 
my, and with a firm steady countenance gave or- 
ders in person how to receive the enemy, and par- 
ticularly urged on his troops to place their chief 
dependence on the bayonet. His position, in a 
military point of view, was admirable. He was so 
sensible of the advantages of it, that the manoeu- 
vres of Sir William Howe for some days could 
not allure him from it. In consequence of the re- 
inforcement lately received, he had not in any pre- 
ceding period of the campaign been in an equal 
condition for a general engagement. Though he 
ardently wished to be attacked, yet he would not 
relinquish a position from which he hoped for rep- 
aration for the adversities of the campaign. He 
ould not believe that Gen. Howe, with a victori- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93 

ous army, and that lately reinforced with four 
thousand men from New York, should come out 
of Philadelphia only to return thither again. He 
therefore presumed, that to avoid the disgrace of 
such a movement, the British commander would, 
from a sense of military honour, be compelled to 
attack him, though under great disadvantages. 
When he found him cautious of engaging, and in- 
clining to his left, a daring design was formed, 
which would have been executed had the British 
either continued in their position, or moved a lit- 
tle farther to the left of the American army. This 
was to have attempted in the night to surprise 
Philadelphia. 

Three days after the retreat of the British, 
Washington communicated in general ordtrs, his 
intention of retiring into winter quarters. He ex- 
pressed to his army high approbation of their past 
conduct ; gave an encouraging statement of the 
prospects ot their country ; exhorted them to bear 
the hardships inseparable from their situation, and 
endeavoured to convince their judgments that these 
were necessary for the public good, and unavoid- 
able from the distressed situation of the new form- 
ed states. 

The same care to cut off all communication be- 
tween the enemy and the country was continued, 
and the same means employed to secure that ob- 



94t THE LIFE OF 

ject. Gen Small wood was detached to Wilming- 
ton to guard the Delaware. Col. Morgan, who 
had lately returned from the victorious northern 
army, was placed on the lines on the west side of 
the Schuylkill ; and Gen. Armstrong near the old 
camp at the Whitemarsh, with a respectable force 
under the command of each, to prevent the coun- 
try people from carrying provisions to the market 
in Philadelphia. 

Valley Forge, about twenty live miles distant 
from Philadelphia, was fixed upon for the winter 
quarters of the Americans. This position was 
preferred to distant and more comfortable villages, 
as being calculated to give the most extensive se- 
curity to the country. The American army might 
have been tracked by the blood of their feet in 
marching without shoes or stockings, over the 
hard frozen ground between Whitemarsh and the 
Valley Forge. Under these circumstances they 
had to sit down in a wood in the latter end of De- 
cember, and to build huts for their accommoda- 
tion. To a want of clothing was added a want 
of provisions. For some days there was little less 
than a famine in the camp. Washington was com- 
pelled to make seizures for the support of his ar- 
my. Congress had authorized him so to do ; but he 
wished the civil authority to manage the delicate- 
business of impressment, and regretted the meas- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95 

ure as subversive of discipline, and calculated to 
raise in the soldiers a disposition to licentiousness 
and plunder. To suffer his army to starve or dis- 
band, or to feed them by force, were the only alter- 
natives offered to his choice. Though he exercis- 
ed these extraordinary powers with equal reluc- 
tance and discretion, his lenity was virtually cen- 
sured by Congress, " as proceeding from a deli- 
cacy in exerting military authority on the citizens, 
which, in their opinion, might prove prejudicial to 
the general liberties of America;" at the same 
time his rigour was condemned by those from 
whom provisions were forcibly taken. The sound 
judgment and upright principles of the commander 
in chief gave a decided preference to the mode of 
supplying his army by fair contract, but the ne- 
cessities thereof proceeding from bad management 
in the commissary department ; the depreciation of 
the Congress bills of credit ; the selfishness of the 
farmers in preferring British metallic to American 
paper money, together with the eagerness of Con- 
gress to starve the British army in Philadelphia, 
compelled him to extort supplies for his army at 
the point of the bayonet. In obedience to Con- 
gress, he issued a proclamation, " calling on the 
farmers within seventy miles of head quarters to 
thresh out one half of their grain by the first of 
February, and the residue by the first of Marcr\, 



96 THE LIFE OE* 

under the penalty of having the whole seized as 
straw." 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to 
contend with for feeding and clothing his army ; 
but they were not the only ones which at this time 
pressed on him. The states of Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey were importunate with him to cover 
them from the incursions of the enemy. In both 
there were many discontented individuals, who, 
regretting their past losses and present danger 
from the vicinity of a conquering army, were so 
far misled by their feelings as to suppose it to be 
the fault of Gen. Washington, that the inferior 
destitute army under his immediate command had 
not been as successful as the superior well sup- 
ported northern army under Gen. Gates. The 
legislature of Pennsylvania, probably sore from the 
loss of their capital, on hearing that Washington 
was about to retire into winter quarters, presented 
a remonstrance to Congress on that subject, in 
which their dissatisfaction with the General was 
far from being concealed. A copy of this being 
sent to him, he addressed Congress in terms very 
different from his usual style. He stated, " that 
though every thing in his power had been done 
for supporting his army, yet their inactivity, aris- 
ing from their manifold wants, was charged to his 
account ; that the army seldom had provisions for 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



97 



two days in advance ; that few of his men had 
more than one shirt, many only a moiety of one, 
and some none at all; that soap, vinegar, and 
such like articles, though allowed by Congress, had 
not been seen in camp for several weeks ; that by 
a field return two thousand eight hundred and 
ninety eight of his army were unfit for duty, be- 
cause they were barefooted, and otherwise .naked ; 
that his whole effective force in camp amounted to 
no more than eight thousand two hundred men fit 
for duty ; that notwithstanding these complicated 
wants, the remonstrance of the Pennsylvania legisla- 
ture reprobated the measure of his going into winter 
quarters, as if its authors thought the soldiers were 
made of stocks or stones, and as if they conceived 
it easily practicable for an inferior army, circum- 
stanced as his was, to confine a superior one, well 
appointed and every way provided for a winter's 
campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to 
cover all the circumjacent country from their dep- 
redation." He assured the complainers, " that it 
was much easier to draw up remonstrances in a 
comfortable room by a good fire side, than to oc- 
cupy a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost and 
snow, without clothes or blankets." 

To the other vexations which crowded on Gen. 
Washington at the close of the campaign of 1777, 
was added one of a peculiar nature. Though he 
14 



98 



THE LIFE Ol-" 



was conscious he had never solicited, and that it 
\vas neither from motives of interest nor of ambi- 
tion he had accepted the command of the army, 
and that he had with clean hands and a pure heart, 
to the utmost of his power, steadily pursued what 
his best judgment informed him was for the inter- 
est of his country; yet he received certain in- 
formation that a cabal, consisting of some mem- 
bers of Congress, and a few General Officers of 
the army, was plotting to supersede him in his 
command. The scheme was to obtain the sanc- 
tion of some of the state legislatures to instruct 
their delegates to move in Congress for an inquiry 
into the causes of the failures of the campaigns of 
1776 and 1777, with the hope that some intempe- 
rate resolutions passed by them would either lead 
to the removal of the General, or wound his mili- 
tary feelings so as to induce his resignation. Anony- 
rnous papers containing high charges against him, 
and urging the necessity of putting some more en- 
ergetic officer at the head of the army, were sent 
to Henry Laurens, President of Congress, Patrick 
Henry, Governor of Virginia, and others. These 
were forwarded to Gen. Washington. In his re- 
ply to Mr. Laurens, he wrote as follows ; " I can- 
not sufficiently express the obligation I feel to- 
ward you for your friendship and politeness, up- 
on an occasion in which I am so deeply interested. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 

I was not unapprizcd that a malignant faction had 
been for some time forming to my prejudice, 
which, conscious as I am of having ever done all 
in my power to answer the important purposes of 
the trust reposed in me, could not but give me 
some pain on a personal account ; but my chief 
concern arises from an apprehension of the dan- 
gerous consequences which intestine dissensions 
may prove to the common cause. 

" As I have no other view than to promote the 
public good, and am unambitious of honours not 
founded in the approbation of my country, I would 
not desire in the least degree to suppress a free 
spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that 
even faction itself may deem reprehensible. The 
anonymous paper handed you exhibits many seri- 
ous charges, and it is my wish that it may be sub- 
mitted to Congress. This I am the more inclin- 
ed to, as the suppression or concealment may 
possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, 
since it is uncertain how many, or who may be 
privy to the contents. 

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage 
of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, 
and that motives of policy deprive me of the de- 
fence I might otherwise make against their insidi- 
ous attacks. They know I cannot combat insinu- 
ations, however injurious, without disclosing se- 



100 



Tin: 1.IPF. 01 



cats it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But 
why should I export to he exempt from censure, 
the unfailing lot of an elevated station? Merit and 
talents, which I cannot pretend to rival, have ever 
been subject to it ; my heart tells me it has been 
my unremitted aim to do the best which circum- 
stances would permit ; yet I may have been very 
often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and 
may, in many instances, deserve the imputation 
of error." 

About the same time it was reported that Wash- 
ington had determined to resign his command. 
On this occasion he wrote to a gentleman in New- 
England as follows ; " I can assure you that no 
person ever heard me drop an expression that had 
a tendency to resignation. The same principles 
that led me to embark in the opposition to the ar- 
bitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with addi- 
tional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to 
withdraw my sen ices while they are considered 
of importance in the present contest ; but to re- 
port a design of this kind is among the arts which 
those who are endeavouring to effect a change, are 
practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I 
still <\o say, that there is not an officer in the Unit- 
ed States that would return to the sweets of do- 
mestic life with more heart felt joy than I should. 
But I would have this declaration accompanied by 



GEORGE U 1SH1NGTON. 



101 



these sentiments, that while the public are satis- 
fied with my endeavours, I mean not to shrink 
from the cause ; but the moment her voice, not 
that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do 
it with as much pleasure as ever the weary travel- 
ler retired to rest." 

These machinations did not abate the ardour of 
Washington in the common cause. His patriot- 
ism was too solid to be shaken either by envy or 
ingratitude. Nor was the smallest effect produc- 
ed in diminishing his well earned reputation. Zeal 
the most active, and services the most beneficial, 
and at the same time disinterested, had rivcued 
him in the affections of his country and army. 
Even the victorious troops under General Gates, 
though comparisons highly flattering to their van- 
ity had been made between them and the army 
in Pennsylvania, clung to Washington as their po- 
litical saviour. The resentment of the people was 
generally excited against those who were suppos- 
ed to be engaged in or friendly to the scheme of 
appointing a new commander in chief over the 
American army. 



102 THE LIFE Ot 



CHAPTER V. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 

General Washington prepares for the campaign of 1778 Surprises 

the British, and defeats them at Monmouth \rrests General Lee. 

Calms tlie irritation excited by the departure of the French fleet from 
lihode Island to Boston Dissuades from a iii\a;<,ii of Canada. 



Washington devoted the short respite from field 
duty which followed the encampment of the army 
at Valley Forge, to prepare for an early and active 
campaign in the year 1778. He laboured to im- 
press on Congress the necessity of having in the 
field a regular army, at least equal to that of the 
enemy. He transmitted to the individual states a 
return of the troops they had severally furnished 
for the continental army. While this exhibited to 
each its deficiency, it gave the General an oppor- 
tunity to urge on them respectively the necessity 
of completing their quotas. 

Congress deputed a committee of their body to 
reside in camp, and, in concert with Gen. Wash- 
ington, to investigate the state of the army, and 
to report such reforms as might be deemed expe- 
dient. This committee, known by the name of 
" The Committee of Arrangements," repaired to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103 

Valley Forge, in January, 1778. Washington 
laid before them a statement, in which a compre- 
hensive view of the army was taken, and in which 
he minutely pointed out what he deemed necessa- 
ry for the correction of existing abuses, and for 
the advancement of the service. He recommend- 
ed, " as essentially necessary, that in addition to 
present compensation, provision should be made 
by half pay, and a pensionary establishment for 
the future support of the officers, so as to render 
their commissions valuable." He pointed out 
" the insufficiency of their pay, especially in its 
present state of depreciation, for their decent sub- 
sistence ; the sacrifices they had already made, 
and the unreasonableness of expecting that they 
would continue patiently to bear such an over pro- 
portion of the common calamities growing out of 
the necessary war, in which all were equally in- 
terested ; the many resignations that had already 
taken place, and the probability that more would 
follow, to the great injury of the service ; the im- 
possibility of keeping up a strict discipline among 
officers whose commissions, in a pecuniary view, 
were so far from being worth holding, that, they 
were the means of impoverishing them." These, 
and other weighty considerations, were accompa- 
nied with a declaration by Gen. Washington, 
" that he neither could nor would receive the 



104 " THE LIVE OF 

smallest benefit from the proposed establishment, 
and that he had no other inducement in urging it, 
but a full conviction of its utility and propriety." 
In the same statement the commander in chief 
explained to the committee of Congress the detects 
in the quarter masters, and other departments con- 
nected with the support and comfort of the army; 
and also urged the necessity of each state com- 
pleting its quota by draughts from the militia. 
The statement concludes with these impressive 
words ; " Upon the whole, gentlemen, I doubt not 
you are fully impressed with the defects of our pres- 
ent military system, and with the necessity of spee- 
dy and decisive measures to place it on a satisfac- 
tory footing. The disagreeable picture I have 
given you of the wants and sufferings of the army, 
and the discontents reigning among the officers, is 
a just representation of evils equally melancholy 
and important ; and unless effectual remedies be 
applied without loss of time, the most alarming 
and ruinous consequences are to be apprehended." 
The committee were fully impressed with the cor- 
rectness of the observations made by the com- 
mander in chief, and grounded their report upon 
them. A general concurrence of sentiment took 
place. Congress passed resolutions, but with sun- 
dry limitations, in favour of half pay to their offi- 
cers for seven years after the war ; and gave their 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



105 



sanction to the other measures suggested by Wash- 
ington, and recommended by their committee. 
But, from the delays incidental to large bodies, 
either deliberating upon or executing public busi- 
ness, much time necessarily elapsed before the ar- 
my received the benefits of the proposed reforms ; 
and in the mean time their distresses approached 
to such a height as threatened their immediate dis- 
solution. Respect for their commander attached 
both officers and soldiers so strongly to his person, 
as enabled him to keep them together under priva- 
tions almost too much for human nature to bear. 
Their effective force throughout the winter was 
little more than five thousand men, though their 
numbers on paper exceeded seventeen thousand. 
It was well for them that the British made no at- 
tempt to disturb them while in this destitute con- 
dition. In that case the Americans could not have 
kept their camp for want of provisions ; nor could 
they have retreated from it without the certain loss 
of some thousands who were barefooted and oth- 
erwise almost naked. Neither couid they have 
risked an action with any probable hope of suc- 
cess, or without hazarding the most serious con- 
sequences. 

The historians of the American revolution will 
detail the particulars of a treaty entered into about 
this time between France and the United States, 
15 



106 THE WFE OF 

and also that thereupon the government of Great 
Britain offered terms to the Americans equal to 
all they had asked anterior to their declaration of 
independence. The first certain intelligence of 
these offers was received by Gen. Washington in 
a letter from Major General Tryon, the British 
Governor of New York, enclosing the conciliato- 
ry proposals, and recommending " that they should 
be circulated by Gen. Washington among the of- 
ficers and privates of his army." Instead of com- 
plying with this extraordinary request, he forward- 
ed the whole to Congress. The offers of Great 
Britain, which, if made in due time, would have 
prevented the dismemberment of the empire, were 
promptly rejected. The day after their rejection 
a resolution formerly recommended by Washing- 
ton was adopted by Congress, in which they urged 
upon the different states " to pardon, under cer- 
tain limitations, such of their misguided citizens 
as had levied war against the United States." Cop- 
ies of this were struck off in English and German, 
and Gen. Washington was directed to take meas- 
ures for circulating them among the American lev- 
ies in the British army. He immediate!) enclos- 
ed them in a letter to Tryon, in which he acknowl- 
edged the receipt of his late letter covering the 
British conciliatory bills, and requesting their cir- 
culation in the American army ; and in the way 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



107 



of retort requested the instrumentality of Try on 
in i g the resolves of Congress known to the 

in the British army, on whom they 
tided to operate. 

•ime Sir's 1 iiliam Howe resigned the 
of the British army, and returned to 
His successor, Sir Henry Clinton, 
cely entered on the duties of his oilice, 
hen he received orders to evacuate Philadelphia. 
This was deemed expedient from an apprehen- 
sion that it would be a dangerous position in case 
a French fleet, as was expected, should arrive in 
the Delaware to co-operate with the Americans. 

The design of evacuating Philadelphia was soon 
discovered by Washington ; but the object or 
course of the enemy could not be precisely ascer- 
tained. Their preparations equally denoted an 
expedition to the south ; an embarkation of their 
whole army for New York ; or a inarch to that 
city through New Jersey. In the two first cases 
Washington had not the means of annoyance ; but 
as the probability of the last daily increased, he di- 
rected his chief attention to that point. Gen. 
Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade, was ordered 
over the Delaware to take post about Mount Hol- 
ly, and to co-operate with Gen. Dickinson at the 
head of the Jersey militia, in obstructing the pro- 
gress of the royal army till time should be gained 



108 



THE I AVE OF 



for Washington to overtake them. The British 
crossed the Delaware to Gloucester Point, on the 
18th. of June, 1778 ; the Americans in four days 
after, at Corryel's ferry. The general officers of 
the latter, on being asked what line of conduct 
they deemed most advisable, had previously, and 
with one consent, agreed to attempt nothing till 
the evacuation of Philadelphia was completed ; 
but after the Delaware was crossed, there was a 
diversity of sentiment respecting the measures 
proper to be pursued. Gen. Lee, who, having 
been exchanged, joined the army, was of opinion 
that the United States, in consequence of their late 
foreign connexions, were secure of their indepen- 
dence, unless their army was defeated ; and that 
under such circumstances it would be criminal to 
hazard an action, unless they had some decided 
advantage. Though the numbers in both armies 
were nearly equal, and about ten thousand effect- 
ive men in each, he attributed so much to the su- 
periority of British discipline, as made him appre- 
hensive of the issue of an engagement on equal 
ground. These sentiments were sanctioneel by 
the voice of a great majority of the general officers. 
Washington was nevertheless strongly inclined to 
risk an action. Though cautious, he was enter- 
prising, and could not. readily believe that the 
chances of war were so much against him as to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



109 



threaten consequences of the alarming magnitude 
which had been announced. There was a gener- 
al concurrence in a proposal for strengthening the 
corps on the left flank of the enemy with fifteen 
hundred men, to improve any partial advantages 
that might offer, and that the main body should 
preserve a relative position for acting as circum- 
stances might require. 

When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Al- 
lentown, he determined, instead of keeping th di- 
rect course toward Staten Island, to draw toward 
the sea coast, and to push on toward Sandy Hook. 
Washington, on receiving intelligence that Sif 
Henry was proceeding in that direction towa;d 
Monmouth courthouse, despatched one thousand 
men under Gen Wayne, and sent the Marquis de 
la Fayette to take command of the whole, with 
orders to seize the first fair opportunity of attack- 
ing the enemy's rear. The command of this ad- 
vanced corps was offered to Gen. Lee, but he de- 
clined it. The whole army followed at a proper 
distance for supporting the advanced corps, and 
reached Cranberry the next morning. Sir Henry 
Clinton, sensible of the approach of the Americans, 
placed his grenadiers, light infantry, and chasseurs, 
in his rear, and his baggage in his front. Wash- 
ington increased his advanced corps with two brig- 
ades, and sent Gen. Lee, who now wished for the 



110 THE LIFE OP 

command, to take charge of the whole, and fol- 
lowed with the main army to give it support. On 
the next morning orders were sent to Lee to move 
on and attack, unless there should be powerful 
reasons to the contrary. When Washington had 
marched about five miles to support the advanced 
corps, he found the whole of it retreating by Lee's 
orders, and without having made any opposition 
of consequence. Washington rode up to Lee and 
proposed certain questions. Lee answered with 
warmth, and unsuitable language. The com- 
mander in chief ordered Col. Stewart's, and Lieut 
Col. Ramsay's battalions, to form on a piece of 
ground which he judged suitable for giving a check 
to the advancing enemy. Lee was then asked if 
lie would command on that ground, to which he 
consented, and was ordered to take proper meas- 
ures for checking the enemy ; to which he repli- 
ed, " your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not 
be the first to leave the field." Washington then 
rode to the main army, which was formed with the 
utmost expedition. A warm cannonade immedi- 
ately commenced between the British and Amer- 
ican artillery, and a heavy firing between the ad- 
vanced troops of the British army and the two 
battalions which Washington had halted. These 
stood their ground till they were intermixed with 
a part of the British army. Gen. Lee continued 



&E0T1GE WASHINGTON. 



ill 



till the last on the field of battle, and brought off 
the rear of the retreating troops. 

The check the British received gave time to 
make a disposition of the left wing and second line 
of the American army, in the wood and on the 
eminence to which Lee was retreating. On this 
some cannon were placed by lord Stirling, who 
commanded the left wing, which, with the co-op- 
eration of some parties of infantry, effectually stop r 
ped the advance of the British in that quarter. 
Gen. Greene took a very advantageous position on 
the right of lord Stirling. The British attempted 
to turn the left flank of the Americans, but were 
repulsed. They also made a movement to the 
right, with as little success ; for Greene, with ar- 
tillery, disappointed their design. Wayne advanc- 
ed with a body of troops, and kept up so severe 
and well directed a fire, that the British were soon 
compelled to give way. They retired, and took 
the position which Lee had before, occupied. 
Washington resolved to attack them, and ordered 
Gen. Poor to move round upon their right, and 
Gen; Woodford to their left ; but they could not 
get within reach before it was dark. These re- 
mained on the ground which they had been di- 
rected to occupy, during the night, with an inten- 
tion of attacking early next morning ; and the 
main body lay on their arms in the field to be 



112 



THE LIFE OF 



ready for supporting them. Gen. Washington, 
alter a day of great aetivity and much personal dan- 
ger, repose! among his troops on his cloak under 
a tree, in hopes of renewing the action the next 
day. But these hopes were frustrated. The Brit- 
ish inarched away in the night in such silence, 
that Gen. Poor, though he lay very near them, 
knew nothing of their departure. They left be- 
hind them four officers and about forty privates, 
all so badly wounded that they could not be re- 
moved. Their other wounded were carried off. 
The British pursued their march without farther 
interruption., and soon reached the neighbourhood 
of Sand} Hook, without the loss of either their 
covering party or baggage. The American Gen- 
eral declined all farther pursuit of the royal army, 
and soon after drew off his troops to the borders 
of the North River. The loss of the Americans 
in killed and wounded was about two hundred and 
fifty. The loss of the royal arnvy, inclusive of 
prisoners, was about three hundred and fifty. 

On the ninth day after this action, Congress 
unanimously resolved, " that their thanks be giv- 
en to Gen. Washington for the activity with which 
he marched from the camp at Valley Forge in 
pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished exer- 
tions in forming the line of battle ; and lor his 
great good conduct in leading on the attack, and 



G E0RGJE WASHINGTON. 



113 



gaining the important victory of Monmouth, over 
the British grand army, under the command of 
Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, in their march from Phi- 
ladelphia to New York." It is probable that 
Washington intended to take no further notice of 
Lee's conduct in the day of action, but the latter 
could not brook the expressions used by the form- 
er at their first meeting, and wrote him two pas- 
sionate letters. This occasioned his being arrest- 
ed, and brought to trial. The charges exhibited 
against him were, 

1st. For disobedience of orders in not attacking 
the enemy on the 28th. of June, agreeable to re- 
peated instructions* 

2dly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on 
the same day, by making an unnecessary, disor- 
derly, and shameful retreat. 

3c!ly. For disrespect to the commander in chief 
in two letters. 

After a tedious hearing before a court martial, 
of which lord Stirling was president, Lee was 
found guilty, and sentenced to be suspended from 
any command in the armies of the United Slates 
for the term of one year ; but the second charsj'e 
was softened by the court, which only found him 
^uiltv of misbehaviour before the enemy, bv mak- 
ing an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a 
disorderly retreat. 
16 



114. THE LIFE OF' 

Soon after the battle of Monmouth the Ameri- 
can army took post at the White Plains, and re- 
mained there, and in the vicinity, till autumn was 
far advanced, and then retired to Middlebrook in 
New Jersey. During this period, nothing of more 
importance occurred than skirmishes, in which 
Gen. Washington was not particularly engaged. 
He was nevertheless fully employed. His mild 
conciliatory manners, and the most perfect sub- 
jection of his passions to reason, together with the 
soundness of his judgment, enabled him to serve 
his country with equal effect, though with less 
splendour than is usually attached to military ex- 
ploits. 

The French fleet, the expectation of which had 
induced the evacuation of Philadelphia, arrived 
too late for attacking the British in the Delaware. 
It was also deemed unadvisable to attempt New 
York ; but the British posts on Rhode Island were 
judged proper objects of a conjunct expedition 
with the sea and land forces of France and Amer- 
ica. This being resolved upon, Gen. Sullivan 
was appointed to conduct the operations of the 
Americans. When the preparations for commenc- 
ing the attack were nearly completed, a British fleet 
appeared in sight. D'Estaing, who commanded 
the French fleet, put out to sea to engage them ; 
■vat a storm came on which crippled both fleets to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115 

such an extent, as induced the one to go to New 
York, and the other to Boston, for the purpose of 
being repaired. While the fleets were out of 
sight, Sullivan had commenced the siege, and flat- 
tered himself that a few days co-operation of the 
returned French ships could not fail of crowning 
him with success. The determination of D'Es- 
tamg to retire to Boston instead of co-operating in 
the siege, excited the greatest alarm in Sullivan's 
army. By this dereliction of the original plan, 
the harbours of Rhode Island were left free and 
open for reinforcements to the British, which might 
be easily poured in from their head quarters in 
New York. Instead of anticipated conquests, 
Sullivan had reason to fear for the safety of his ar- 
my. Irritated at the departure of D'Estaing, he 
expressed in general orders to his army, " his 
hope that the event would prove America able to 
procure that, by her own arms, which her allies 
refused to assist in obtaining." These expres- 
sions were considered as imputing to D'Estaing 
and the French nation a disinclination to promote 
the interests of the United States. When entrea- 
ties failed of persuading D'Estaing to return to 
the siege, a paper was drawn up and signed hy the 
principal officers of the Americans, and sent to 
him, in which they protested against his taking the 
fleet to Boston, " as derogatory to the honour of 



116 



Til!'. LIFE OF 



France ; contrary to the intentions of bis most 
Christian Majesty, and the interest of his nation ; 
destructive to the welfare of the United States, and 
highly injurious to the alliance between the two 
nations." So much discontent prevailed, that se- 
rious apprehensions were entertained that the means 
of repairing the French fleet would not be readily 
obtained. 

Washington foresaw the evils likely to result 
from the general and mutual irritation which pre- 
vailed, and exerted all his influence to calm the 
minds of both parties. He had a powerful coad- 
jutor in the Marquis de la Fayette, who was as de- 
servedly dear to the Americans as to the French* 
Iii^ first duties were due to his king and country ; 
but he loved America, and was so devoted to the 
commander in chief < f its a . as to enter into 

his views, and second his softening conciiiatory 
measures, with truh filial affection, 

Washington also wrote to Gen. Heath, who 
commanded at Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, 
who commanded at Rhode Island. In his letter 
to Gen. Heath, he stated Lis fears " that the de- 
parture of the French fleet from Rhode Island, at 
so critical a moment, would not only weaken the 
confidence of the people in their new allies, but 
produce such prejudice and resentment as might 
prevent their giving the fleet, ia its present dis* 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117 

tress, such zealous and effectual assistance as was 
demanded by the exigence of affairs, and the true 
interests of America ;" and added, " that it would 
be sound policy to combat these effects, and to 
give the best construction of what had happened ; 
and at the same time to make strenuous exertions 
for putting the French fleet as soon as possible, in 
a condition to defend itself, and be useful." He 
also observed as follows ; " the departure of the 
fleet from Rhode Island, is not yet publicly an- 
nounced here ; but when it is, I intend to ascribe 
it to necessity produced by the damage received 
in the late storm. This it appears to me is the 
idea which ought to be generally propagated. As 
I doubt not the force of these reasons will strike 
you equally with myself, I would recommend to 
you to use your utmost influence to palliate and 
soften matters, and to induce those whose business 
it is to provide succours of every kind for the fleet, 
to employ their utmost zeal and activity in doing 
it. It is our duty to make the best of our misfor- 
tunes, and not suffer passion to interfere with our 
interest and the public good." 

In a letter to Gen. Sullivan, he observed, " the 
disagreement between the army under your com- 
mand and the fleet, has given me very singular un- 
easiness. The continent at large is concerned in 
our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all 



118 THE LIFK OF 

possible means consistent with our honour and pol- 
icy. First impressions are generally longest re- 
tained, and will serve to fix in a great degree our 
national character with the French. In our con- 
duct toward them, we should remember, that they 
are a people old in war, very strict in military et- 
iquette, and apt to take fire when others seem 
scarcely warmed. Permit me to recommend in 
the most particular manner, the cultivation of har- 
mony and good agreement, and your endeavours 
to destroy that ill humour which may have found 
its way among the officers. It is of the utmost 
importance too that the soldiers and the people 
should know nothing of this misunderstanding ; 
or if it has reached them, that means maybe used 
to stop its progress, and prevent its effects." 

In a letter to Gen. Greene, he observed, " I 
have not now time to take notice of the several ar- 
guments, which were made use of, for and against 
the Count's quitting the harbour of Newport, and 
sailing for Boston. Right or wrong, it will prob- 
ablv disappoint our sanguine expectations of suc- 
cess, and, which I deem a still worse consequence, 
I fear it will sow the seeds of dissension and dis- 
trust between us and our new allies, unless the 
most prudent measures be taken to suppress the 
feuds and jealousies that have already risen. I de- 
pend much on your temper and influence to con- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON'. 



119 



ciiiate that animosity which subsists between the 
American and French officers in our service. I 
beg you will take every measure to keep the pro- 
test entered into by the general officers from being- 
made public. Congress, sensible of the ill conse- 
quences that will flow from our differences being 
known to the world, have passed a resolve to that 
purpose. Upon the whole, my dear sir, you can 
conceive my meaning better than I can express it ; 
and I therefore full , depend on your exerting 
yourself to heal all private animosities between our 
principal officers and the French, and to prevent 
all illiberal expressions and reflections that may 
fall from the armv at larsre." 

Washington also improved the first opportuni- 
ty of recommencing his correspondence with count 
D'Estaing, in a letter to him, which, without no- 
ticing the disagreements that had taken place, was 
well calculated to sooth every angry sensation 
which might have rankled in his mind. In the 
course of a short correspondence, the irritation 
which threatened serious mischiefs entirely gave 
way to returning good humour and cordiality. 

In another case about the same time the correct 
judgment of Washington proved serviceable to 
his country. In the last months of the year 1778, 
when the most active part of the campaign was 
over, Congress decided on a magnificent plan fo? 



120 THE LIFE OF 

the conquest of Canada. This was to be attempt- 
ed in 1779 by land and water, on the side of die 
United States, and by a fleet and army from France. 
The plan was proposed, considered, and agreed to, 
before Washington was informed of it. He was 
then desired to write to Dr. Franklin, the Ameri- 
can minister at Paris, to interest him in securing 
the proposed co-operation of France. In reply to 
the communications of Congress, he observed, 
" the earnest desire I have strictly to comply in 
every instance with the views and instructions of 
Congress, cannot but make me feel the greatest 
uneasiness when I find myself in circumstances of 
hesitation or doubt, with respect to their direc- 
tions ; but the perfect confidence I have in the jus- 
tice and candour of that honourable body, embold- 
ens me to communicate without reserve the diffi- 
culties which occur in the execution of their pres- 
ent order ; and the indulgence I have experienced 
on every former occasion induces me to imagine 
that the liberty I now take will not meet with dis- 
approbation. 

11 I have attentively taken up the report of the 
committee respecting the proposed expedition in- 
to Canada. I have considered it in several lights, 
and sincerely regret that I should feel myself un- 
der any embarrassment in carrying it into execu- 
tion. Siill I remain of opinion, from a general 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



121 



review of things, and the state of our resources, 
that no extensive system of co-operation with the 
French for the complete emancipation of Canada, 
can be positively decided on for the ensuing year. 
To propose a plan of perfect co-operation with a 
foreign power, without a moral certainty in our 
supplies ; and to have that plan actually ratified 
with the court of Versailles, might be attended, in 
case of failure in the conditions on our part, with 
very fatal effects. 

" If I should seem unwilling to transmit the 
plan as prepared by Congress, with my observa- 
tions, it is because I find myself under a necessi- 
ty, in order to give our minister sufficient ground 
to found an application on, to propose something 
more than a vague and indecisive plan, which, ev- 
en in the event of a total evacuation of the states 
by the enemy, mry be rendered impracticable in 
the execution by a variety of insurmountable ob- 
stacles ; or if I retain my present sentiments, and 
act consistently, I must point out the difficulties, 
as they appear to me, which must embarrass his 
negotiations, and may disappoint the views of 
Congress. 

" But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's 
leaving these states before the active part of the 
ensuing campaign, I should fear to hazard a mis- 
take as to the precise aim and extent of the views 
17 



122 THE LIFE OF 

of Congress. The conduct I am to observe in 
writing to our minister at the court of France, 
does not appear sufficiently delineated. Were I 
to undertake it, I should be much afraid of erring 
through misconception. In this dilemma, I would 
esteem it a particular favour to be excused from 
writing at all on the subject, especially as it is the 
part of candour in me to acknowledge that I do 
not see my way clear enough to point out such a 
plan for co-operation, as I conceive to be consist- 
ent with the ideas of Congress, and as will be suf- 
ficiently explanatory with resptct to time and cir- 
cumstances to give efficacy to the measure. 

" But if Congress still think it necessary for me 
to proceed in the business, I must request their 
more definitive and explicit instructions, and that 
they will permit me previous to transmitting the 
intended despatches, to submit them to their de- 
termination. 

" I could wish to lay before Congress more mi- 
nutely the state of the army, the condition of our 
supplies, and the requisites necessary for carry- 
ing into execution an undertaking that may in- 
volve the most serious events. If Congress think 
this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal 
conference, I hope to have the army in such a 
situation before I can receive their answer as to 
afford me an opportunity of giving my attend- 
ance." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125 

The personal interview requested in this letter 
was agreed to by Congress, and a committee ap- 
pointed by them to confer with him. The result 
was that the proposed expedition against Canada 
was given up by those who, after repeated delib 
eration, had resolved upon it. 



124 tub LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VI. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 

The distresses ol tlie American army... ..Gen. Washington calms the 

uneasiness in the Jersey line Finds greal difficulty in supporting his 

troops and concentrating their force.. ...Makes a disposition of tliem 

with a view to the security of Wesl Point Directs an expedition 

isf the Six Nations of Indians, and for the reduction of Stony 
Point Paules Hook taken A French fleet, expected to the north- 
ward, arrives on the coast of Georgia Washington, unequal to offen- 
sive operations, retires into winter quarters. 



The years 1779 and 1780, passed away in die 
northern states without any of those great milita- 
ry exploits which enliven the pages of history ; 
but they were years of anxiety and distress, which 
called for all the passive valour, the sound practi- 
cal judgment, and the conciliatory address, for 
which Gen. Washington was so eminently distin- 
guished. The states, yielding to the pleasing de- 
lusion that their alliance with France placed their 
independence beyond the reach of accident, and 
that Great Britain, despairing of success, would 
speedily abandon the contest, relaxed in their 
preparations for a vigorous prosecution of the war. 
To these ungrounded hopes Washington opposed 
the whole weight of his influence. In his corres- 
pondence with Congress, the Governors of partic- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125 

ular states, and other influential individuals, he 
pointed out the fallacy of the prevailing opinion 
that peace was near at hand ; and the necessity for 
raising, equipping, and supporting, a force suffi- 
cient for active operations. He particularly urg- 
ed that the annual arrangements for the army 
should be made so early that the recruits for the 
year should assemble at head quarters on the first 
of January ; but such was the torpor of the pub- 
lie mind that, notwithstanding these representa- 
tions, it was as late as the 23d. of January, 1779, 
when Congress passed resolutions authorizing the 
commander in chief to reinlist the army ; and as 
late as the 9th. of the following March, that the 
requisitions were made on the several states for 
their quotas. The military establishment for 1 780 
was later ; for it was not agreed upon till the 9th. 
of February ; nor were the men required before 
the first of x\pril. Thus, when armies ought to 
have been in the field, nothing more was done 
than a grant of the requisite authority for raising 
them. 

The depreciation of the current paper money 
had advanced so rapidly as to render the daily pay 
of an officer unequal to his support. This pro- 
duced serious discontents in the army. An order 
was given in May, 1779, for the Jersey brigade 
to march by regiments to join the western army. 



.126 THE UPB 0* 

In answer to this order a letter was received from 
Gen. Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first 
regiment had delivered to their Colonel a remon- 
strance, addressed to the legislature of New Jer- 
sey, in which they declared, that unless their form- 
er complaints on the deficiency of pay obtained 
immediate attention, they were to be considered at 
the end of three days as having resigned their 
commissions ; and on that contingency they re- 
quested the legislature to appoint other officers in 
their stead. General Washington, who was strong- 
ly attached to the army, and knew their virtue, 
their sufferings, and also the justice of their com- 
plaints, immediately comprehended the ruinous 
consequences likely to result from the measure 
they had adopted. After serious deliberation, he 
wrote a letter to Gen. Maxwell, to be laid before 
the officers. In the double capacity of their friend 
and their commander, he made a forcible address 
both to their pride and their patriotism. " There 
is nothing," he observed, " which has happened 
in the course of the war, that has given me so 
much pain as the remonstrance you mention from 
the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I cannot 
but consider it a hasty and imprudent step, which, 
on more cool consideration, they will themselves 
condemn. I am very sensible of the inconvenien- 
ces under which the officers of the army labour, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127 

and I hope they do me the justice to believe, that 
my endeavours to procure them relief are inces- 
sant. There is more difficulty, however, in satis- 
fying their wishes, than perhaps they are aware of. 
Our resources have been hitherto very limited. 
The situation of our money is no small embar- 
rassment, for which, though there are remedies, 
they cannot be the work of a moment. Govern- 
ment is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices 
of the officers, nor unwilling to make a compen- 
sation ; but it is a truth of which a very litde ob- 
servation must convince us, that it is very much 
straitened in the means. Great allowances ought 
to be made on this account, for any delay and 
seeming backwardness which may appear. Some 
of the states, indeed, have done as generously as 
was in their power ; and if others have been less 
expeditious, it ought to be ascribed to some pe- 
culiar cause, which a little time, aided by exam- 
ple, will remove. The patience and perseverance 
of the army have been, under every disadvantage, 
such as do them the highest honour at home and 
abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited 
confidence in their virtue, which has consoled me 
amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune, to 
which our affairs, in a struggle of this nature, were 
necessarily exposed. Now that we have made so 
great a progress to the attainment of the end we 
have in view, so that we cannot fail, withour 



128 THE LIFE OF 

most shameful desertion of our own interests, any 
tiling like a change of conduct would imply a very 
unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness 
as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our 
country. Did I suppose it possible this should 
be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, 
I should be mortified and chagrined beyond ex- 
pression. I should feel it as a wound given to 
my own honour, which I consider as embarked 
with that of the army. But this I believe to be 
impossible. Any corps that was about to set an 
example of the kind, would weigh well the conse- 
quences ; and no officer of common discernment 
and sensibility would hazard them. If they should 
stand alone in it, independent of other consequen- 
ces, what would be their fcel'rngs on reflecting that 
they had held themselves out to the world in a 
point of light inferior to the rest of the army ? Or, 
if their example should be followed, and become 
general, how could they console themselves for 
having been the foremost in bringing ruin and dis- 
grace upon their country ? They would remem- 
ber that the army would share a double portion 
of the general infamy and distress ; and that the 
character of an American officer would become as 
despicable as it is now glorious. 

" I confess the appearances in the present in- 
stance are disagreeable ; but 1 am convinced they 
seem to mean more than they really do. The 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



129 



Jersey officers have not been outdone by any 
others, in the qualities either of citizens or sold- 
iers ; and I am confident no part of them would 
seriously intend any thing that would be a stain 
on their former reputation. The gentlemen can- 
not be in earnest ; they have only reasoned wrong 
about the means of attaining a good end, and, on 
consideration, I hope and flatter myself they will 
renounce what must appear improper. At the 
opening of a campaign, when under marching or- 
ders for an important service, their own honour, 
duty to the public, and to themselves, and a re- 
gard to military propriety, will not suffer them to 
persist in a measure which would be a violation 
of them all. It will even wound their delicacy 
coolly to reflect, that they have hazarded a step 
which has an air of dictating terms to their coun- 
try, by taking advantage of the necessity of the 
moment. 

" The declaration they have made to the state, 
at so critical a time, that ' unless they obtain re- 
lief in the short period of three days, they must 
be considered out of the service,' has very much 
that aspect ; and the seeming relaxation of contin- 
uing until the state can have a reasonable time to 
provide other officers, will be thought only a su- 
perficial veil. I am now to request that you will 
convey my sentiments to the gentlemen concern- 
18 



130 THE LIFE OF 

cd, and endeavour to make them sensible of their 
error. The service for which the regiment was 
intended, will not admit of delay. It must at all 
events march on Monday morning, in the first 
place to this camp, and further directions will be 
given when it arrives. 1 am sure I shall not be 
mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obe- 
dience." 

The officers did not explicitly recede from their 
claims, but were brought round so far as to con- 
tinue in service. In an address to Gen. Wash- 
ington, they declared " their unhappiness that any 
step of theirs should give him pain ;" but alleged 
in justification of themselves, " that repeated me- 
morials had been presented to their legislature, 
which had been neglected ;" and added, " we 
have lost all confidence in that body. Reason 
and experience forbid that we should have any. 
Few of us have private fortunes ; many have fam- 
ilies who already are suffering every thing that 
can be received from an ungrateful country. Are 
we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, 
and dangers, of a military life, while our wives 
and our children are perishing for want of com- 
mon necessaries at home ; and that without the 
most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now 
only nominal ? We are sensible that your excel- 
lency cannot wish or desire this from us. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 

" We are sorry that you should imagine we 
meant to disobey orders. It was, and still is, our 
determination to march with our regiment, and 
to do the duty of officers, until the legislature 
should have a reasonable time to appoint others ; 
but no longer. 

" We beg leave to assure your excellency, that 
we have the highest sense of your ability and vir- 
tues ; that executing your orders has ever given 
us pleasure ; that we love the service, and we love 
our country ; but when that country is so lost to 
virtue and to justice as to forget to support its 
servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from 
its service." 

The ground adopted by the officers for their 
justification, was such as interdicted a resort to 
stern measures ; at the same time a compliance 
with their demands was impossible. In this em- 
barrassing situation, Washington took no other no- 
tice of their letter than to declare to the officers, 
through Gen. Maxwell, " that while they contin- 
ued to do their duty, he should only regret the 
part they had taken." The legislature of New 
Jersey, roused by these events, made some partial 
provision for their troops. The officers withdrew 
their remonstrance, and continued to do their duty. 

The consequences likely to result from the 
measures adopted by the Jersey officers being par- 



132 



THE LIFK OF 



ried by the good sense and prudence of Gen. 
Washington, he improved the event when com- 
municated to Congress, by urging on them the ab- 
solute necessity of some general and adequate pro- 
vision for the officers of their army ; and observ- 
ed, " that the distresses in some coi ps are so great, 
that olHcers have solicited even to be supplied with 
the clothing destined for the common soldiery, 
coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not power 
to comply with the request. 

" The patience of men animated by a sense of 
duty and honour, will support them to a certain 
point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not 
Congress will be sensible of the danger of an ex- 
treme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety 
to obviate it." 

The members of Congress were of different 
opinions respecting their military arrangements. 
While some were in unison with the General for 
a permanent national army, well equipped and am- 
ply supported, others were apprehensive of dan- 
ger to their future liberties from such establish- 
ments, and gave a preference to inlistments for 
short periods, not exceeding a year. These also 
were partial to state systems, and occasional calls 
of the militia, instead of a numerous regular force, 
at the disposal of Congress or the commander 
in chief. From the various aspect of public af- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



133 



fairs, and the frequent change of members com- 
posing the national legislature, sometimes one par- 
ty predominated, and sometimes another. On the 
whole, the support received by Washington was 
far short of what economy, as well as sound poli- 
cy, required. 

The American army in these years was not 
only deficient in clothing, but in food. The sea- 
sons both in 1779 and 1780, were unfavourable 
to the crops. The labours of the farmers had of- 
ten been interrupted by calls for militia duty. 
The current paper money was so depreciated as 
to be deemed no equivalent for the productions of 
the soil. So great were the necessities of the 
American army, that Gen. Washington was oblig- 
ed to call on the magistrates of the adjacent coun- 
ties for specified quantities of provisions, to be sup- 
plied in a given number of days. At other times 
he was compelled to send out detachments of his 
troops to take provisions at the point of the bay- 
onet from the citizens. This expedient at length 
failed, for the country in the vicinity of the army 
afforded no further supplies. These impressments 
were not only injurious to the morals and disci- 
pline of the army, but tended to alienate the affec- 
tions of the people. Much of the support which 
the American General had previously experienced 
from the inhabitants, proceeded from the differ- 



134 THE LIFE 01 

ence of treatment they received from their own 
army compared with what they suffered from the 
British. The General, whom the inhabitants hith- 
erto regarded as their protector, had now no al- 
ternative but to disband his troops, or to support 
them by force. The army looked to him for pro- 
visions; the inhabitants for protection of their 
property. To supply the one and not offend the 
other, seemed little less than an impossibility. To 
preserve order and subordination in an army of 
free republicans, even when well fed, paid, and 
clothed, would have been a work of difficulty ; 
but to retain them in service and restrain them 
with discipline, when destitute not only of the 
comforts, but often of the necessaries of life, re- 
quired address and abilities of such magnitude as 
are rarely found in human nature. In this choice 
of difficulties, Gen. Washington not only kept his 
army together, but conducted with so much dis- 
cretion as to command the approbation both of the 
army and of the citizens. 

Nothing of decisive importance could be at- 
tempted with an army so badly provided, and so 
deficient in numbers. It did not exceed thirteen 
thousand men, while the British, strongly fortified 
in New York and Rhode Island, amounted to six- 
teen or seventeen thousand. These were support- 
ed by a powerful fleet, which, by commanding 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



135 



the coasts and the rivers, furnished easy means for 
concentrating their force in any given point before 
the Americans could march to the same. This 
disparity was particularly striking in the movements 
of the two armies in the vicinity of the Hudson. 
Divisions of both were frequently posted on each 
side of that noble river. While the British could 
cross directly over and unite their forces in any 
enterprise, the Americans could not safely effect a 
correspondent junction, unless they took a consid- 
erable circuit to avoid the British shipping. 

To preserve West Point and its dependencies, 
was a primary object with Washington. To se- 
cure these he was obliged to refuse the pressing 
applications from the neighbouring states for large 
detachments from the continental army for their 
local defence. Early in the year, Sir Henry Clin- 
ton made some movements up the North R.ver, 
which indicated an intention of attacking the posts 
in the Highlands ; but in proportion as these were 
threatened, Washington concentrated his force for 
their defence. This was done so effectually, that 
no serious direct attempt was made upon them. 
Clinton, hoping to allure the Americans from 
these fortresses, sent detachments to burn and lay 
waste the towns on the coast of Connecticut. 
This was done extensively. Norwalk, Fairfield, 
and New London, were destroyed. Washington, 



136 the LIFE or 

adhering to the principle of sacrificing small ob- 
jects to secure great ones, gave no more aid to 
the suffering inhabitants than was compatible with 
the security of West Point. 

'I hough the force under his immediate com- 
mand throughout the campaign of 1779, was un- 
equal to any great undertaking, yet his active 
mind sought for and embraced such opportunities 
for offensive operations, as might be attempted 
without hazarding too much. 

The principal expedition of this kind, was di- 
rected against the Six Nations of Indians, who in- 
habited the fertile country between the western 
settlements of New York and Pennsylvania, and 
the lakes of Canada. These, from their vicinity 
and intercourse with the white people, had attain- 
ed a degree of civilization exceeding what was 
usual among savages. To them, many refugee 
tories had fled, and directed them to the settle- 
ments, which they laid waste, and at the same 
time massacred the inhabitants. In the early pe- 
riod of Washington's life, while commander of the 
Virginia troops, he had ample experience of the 
futility of forts for defence against Indians, and of 
the superior advantage of carrying offensive opera- 
tions into their towns and settlements. An inva- 
sion of the country of the Six Nations being re- 
solved upon, the commander in chief bestowed 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



is; 



much thought on the best mode of conducting it. 
The instructions he gave to Gen. Sullivan, who 
was appointed to this service, were very particu- 
lar, and much more severe than was usual, but not 
more so than retaliation justified, or policy recom- 
mended. Sullivan, with a considerable force, 
penetrated into the country of the Indians in three 
directions, laid waste their crops, and burnt their 
towns. His success was decisive, and in a great 
measure secured the future peace of the frontier 
settlements. The late residence of the savages 
was rendered so far uninhabitable, that they were 
reduced to the necessity of seeking an asylum in 
the more remote western country. 

While the British were laying waste Connecti- 
cut, Washington, after reconnoitring the ground 
in person, planned an expedition against Stony 
Point, a commanding hill projecting far into the 
Hudson, on the top of which a fort had been 
erected, which was garrisoned with about six hun- 
dred men. One of the motives for assaulting: this 
work, was the hope that, if successful, it might in- 
duce the detachment which had invaded Connect- 
icut, to desist from their devastations, and to re- 
turn to the defence of their own outposts. The 
enterprise was assigned to Gen. Wayne, who com- 
pletely succeeded in reducing the fort and captur, 
ing its garrison. 
19 



138 rHE LIFE OF 

Sir Henry Clinton, on receiving intelligence of 
Wayne's success, relinquished his views on Con- 
necticut, and made a forced march to Dobb's fer- 
ry, twenty six miles above New York. 

The reduction of Stony Point was speedily fol- 
lowed by the surprise of the British garrison at 
Paules Hook. This was first conceived and plan- 
ned by Major Henry Lee. On being submitted 
to Gen. Washington, he favoured the enterprise, 
but withheld his full assent, till he was satisfied of 
the practicability of a retreat, of which serious 
doubts were entertained. Lee, with three hun- 
dred men, entered the fort about three o'clock in 
the morning, and with very inconsiderable loss, 
took one hundred and fifty nine prisoners, and 
brought them off in safety from the vicinity of 
large bodies of the enemy. 

The reasons already mentioned, for avoiding all 
hazardous offensive operations, were strongly en- 
forced by a well founded expectation that a French 
fleet would appear on the coast, in the course of 
the year 1779. Policy required that the Ameri- 
can army should be reserved for a co- operation 
with their allies. The fleet, as expected, did ar- 
rive, but in the vicinity of Georgia. The French 
troops, in conjunction with the southern army, 
commanded by Gen. Lincoln, made an unsuccess- 
ful attempt on the British post in Savannah. This 



V 
GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139 

town had been reduced in December, 1778, by- 
Col. Campbell, who had proceeded so far as to 
re-establish British authority in the state of Geor- 
gia. Soon after the defeat of the combined forces 
before Savannah, and the departure of the French 
fleet from the coast, Sir Henry Clinton proceeded 
with the principal part of his army to Charleston, 
and confined his views in New York to defensive 
operations. 

The campaign of 1779 terminated in the north- 
ern states as has been related, without any great 
events on either side. Washington defeated all 
the projects of the British for getting possession 
of the Highlands. The Indians were scourged, 
and a few brilliant strokes kept the public mind 
from despondence. The Americans went into 
winter quarters when the month of December was 
far advanced. These were chosen for the conve- 
nience of wood, w r ater, and provisions, and with an 
eye to the protection of the country. To this end, 
the army was thrown into two grand divisions. 
The northern was put under the command of Gen. 
Heath, and stationed with a view to the security 
of West Point, its dependences, and the adjacent 
country. The other retired to Morristown in 
New Jersey. In this situation, which was well 
calculated to secure the country to the southward 
©f New York, Washington, with the principal di- 



140 THE LIFE OP 

vision of his army, took their station for the whi- 
ter. The season following their retirement, was 
uncommonly severe. The British in New York 
and Staten Island no longer enjoyed the security 
which their insular situation usually afforded. The 
former suffered from the want of fuel, and other 
supplies from the country. To add to their diffi- 
culties, Washington so disposed his troops as to 
give the greatest possible obstruction to the com- 
munication between the British garrison, and such 
of the inhabitants without their lines as were dis- 
posed to supply their wants. This brought on a 
partisan war, in which individuals were killed, but 
without any national effect. Had Washington 
been supported as he desired, the weakness of the 
British army, in consequence of their large de- 
tachments to the southward, in conjunction with 
the severity of the winter, would have given him 
an opportunity for indulging his native spirit of 
enterprise. But he durst not attempt any thing on 
a grand scale, for his army was not only inferior 
in number to that opposed to him, but so destitute 
of clothing as to be unequal to a winter campaign. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141" 



CHAPTER VII. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 

Gen. Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island Gives an. 

opinion against risking an army for the defence of Charleston, S. C. 

Finds great difficulty in supporting his army Kniphausen invades 

Jersey, but is prevented from injuring the American stores Mar- 
quis de la Fayette arrives, and gives assurances that a French fleet 
and army might soon be expected on the American coast Energet- 
ic measures of co-operation resolved upon, but so languidly executed, 
that Washington predicts the necessity of a more efficient system of 
national government A French fleet and army arrives, and a com- 
bined operation against New York is resolved upon, but the arrival o4" 
a superior British fleet, deranges the whole plan. 

The military establishment for the year 1780, was 
nominally thirty five thousand ; but these were 
not voted till the 9th. of February, and were not 
required to be in camp before the first of April 
following. Notwithstanding these embarrassments, 
the active mind of Washington looked round for 

o 

an opportunity of deriving some advantage from 
the present exposed situation of his adversary. 
From recent intelligence, he supposed that an at- 
tack on about twelve hundred British, posted on 
Staten Island, might be advantageously made, es- 
pecially in its present state of union with the con- 
tinent, by an unbroken body of solid ice. The 
prospect of success depended on the chance of a 
surprise ; and if this failed, of reducing the cne- 



142 THE LIFE OF 

my, though retired within their fortifications, be- 
fore reinforcements could arrive from New York. 
The vigilance of the commanding officer prevent- 
ed the first ; the latter could not be depended on ; 
for, contrary to the first received intelligence, the 
communication between the island and the city, 
though difficult, was practicable. The works were 
too strong for an assault, and relief too near to ad- 
mit the delays of a siege. Lord Stirling, with two 
thousand five hundred men, entered the island on 
the night of the 14th. of January. An alarm was 
instantly and generally communicated to the posts, 
and a boat despatched to New York to communi- 
cate intelligence, and to solicit aid. The Ameri- 
cans, after some slight skirmishes, seeing no pros- 
pect of success, and apprehensive that a reinforce- 
ment from New York might endanger their safety, 
very soon commenced their retreat. This was 
effected without any considerable loss ; but from 
the intenseness of the cold, and deficiency of warm 
clothing, several were frost bitten. 

Soon after this event, the siege of Charleston 
commenced, and was so vigorously carried on by 
Sir Henry Clinton, as to effect the surrender of 
that place on the 12th. of May, 1780. Gen. 
Washington, at the distance of more than eight 
hundred miles, could have no personal agency in 
defending that most important southern mart- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 

What was in his power was done, for he weaken- 
ed himself by detaching from the army under his 
own immediate command, the troops of North 
Carolina, the new levies of Virginia, and the rem- 
nants of the southern cavalry. Though he had 
never been in Charleston, and was without any 
personal knowledge of its harbour, yet he gave an 
opinion respecting it, which evinced the sound- 
ness of his practical judgment. In every other 
case, the defence of towns had been abandoned, 
so far as to risk no armies for that purpose ; but 
in South Carolina, Gen. Lincoln, for reasons that 
were satisfactory to his superiors, adopted a differ- 
ent line of conduct. Four continental frigates were 
ordered to the defence of Charleston, and station- 
ed within its bar ; and a considerable state marine 
force co-operated with them. This new mode of 
defence was the more readily adopted, on the gen- 
erally received idea, that this marine force could 
be so disposed of within the bar, as to make effec- 
tual opposition to the British ships attempting to 
cross it. In the course of the siege this was found 
to be impracticable, and all ideas of disputing the 
passage of the bar were given up. This state of 
things being communicated by Lieut. Col. John 
Laurens to Gen. Washington, the General replied, 
" The impracticability of defending the bar, I fear, 
amounts to the loss of the town and garrison. At 



144 THE LIFE OF 

this distance, it is impossible to judge for you. 1 
have the greatest confidence in Gen. Lincoln's 
prudence ; but it really appears to me, that the 
propriety of attempting to defend the town, de- 
pended on the probability of defending the bar, 
and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to 
have been relinquished. In this, however, I sus- 
pend a definitive judgment ; and wish you to con- 
sider what I say as confidential."'' The event cor- 
responded with the General's predictions. The 
British vessels, after crossing the bar without op- 
position, passed the forts and took such a station 
in Cooper river, as, in conjunction with the land 
forces, made the evacuation of the town by the 
Americans impossible, and finally produced the 
surrender of their whole southern armv. 

When intelligence of this catastrophe reached 
the northern states, the American army was in the 
greatest distress. This had been often represent- 
ed to Congress, and was particularly stated to Gen. 
Schuyler in a letter from Gen. Washington, in the 
following words ; " Since the date of my last, we 
have had the virtue and patience of the army put 
to the severest trial. Sometimes it has been five or 
six days together without bread ; at other times as 
many days without meat ; and once or twice two or 
three days without either. I hardly thought it pos- 
. at one period, that we should be able to keep 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145 

it together, nor could it have been done, but for 
the exertions of the magistrates in the several coun- 
ties of this state, on whom I was obliged to call ; 
expose our situation to them ; and, in plain terms, 
declare that we were reduced to the alternative of 
disbanding or catering for ourselves, unless the in- 
habitants would afford us their aid. I allotted to 
each county a certain proportion of flour or grain, 
and a certain number of cattle, to be delivered on 
certain days ; and, for the honour of the magis- 
trates, and the good disposition of the people, I 
must add, that my requisitions were punctually 
complied with, and in many counties exceeded. 
Nothing but this great exertion could have saved 
the army from dissolution or starving, as we were 
bereft of every hope from the commissaries. At 
one time the soldiers eat every kind of horse food 
but hay. Buckwheat, common wheat, rye, and 
Indian corn, composed the meal which made their 
bread. As an army, they bore it with most hero- 
ic patience ; but sufferings like these, accompani- 
ed by the want of clothes, blankets, &c. will pro- 
duce frequent desertion in all armies ; and so it 
happened with us, though it did not excite a sin- 
gle mutiny." 

The paper money with which the troops were 
paid, was in a state of depreciation daily increas- 
ing. The distresses from this source, though felt 
20 



146 THE LIFE 01 

in 1778, and still more so in 1779, did Hot arrive 
to the highest pitch till the year 1780. Under the 
pressure of sufferings from this cause, the ofhcers 
of the Jersey line addressed a memorial to their 
state legislature, setting forth " that four months 
pay of a private, would not procure for his family 
a single bushel of wheat ; that the pay of a colonel 
would not purchase oats for his horse ; that a 
common labourer or express rider, received four 
times as much as an American officer." They 
urged that " unless a speedy and ample remedy 
was provided, the total dissolution of their line 
was inevitable." In addition to the insufficiency 
of their pay and support, other causes of discon 
tent prevailed. The original idea of a continen- 
tal army to be raised, paid, subsisted, and regu- 
lated, upon an equal and uniform principle, had 
been in a great measure exchanged for state estab- 
lishments. This mischievous measure partly orig- 
inated from necessity ; for state credit was not 
quite so much depreciated as continental. Con- 
gress not possessing the means of supporting their 
army, devolved the business on the component 
parts of the confederacy. Some states, from their 
internal ability and local advantages, furnished 
their troops not only with clothing, but with many- 
conveniences. Others supplied them with some 
necessaries, but on a more contracted scale. A 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 14-7 

few, from their particular situation, could do lit- 
tle, or nothing at all. The officers and men in 
the routine of duty mixed daily, and compared 
circumstances. Those who fared worse than 
others, were dissatisfied with a service which made 
such injurious distinctions. From causes of this 
kind, superadded to a complication of wants and 
sufferings, a disposition to mutiny began to show 
itself in the American army. Very few of the 
officers were rich. To make an appearance suit- 
able to their station, required an expenditure of 
the little all which most of them possessed. The 
supplies from the public were so inadequate as to 
compel frequent resignations. The officers of 
whole lines announced their determination to quit 
the service. The personal influence of General 
Washington was exerted with the officers in pre- 
venting their adoption of such ruinous measures, 
and with the states to remove the causes which 
led to them. 

Soon after the surrender of the whole southern 
army, and at the moment the northern was in the 
greatest distress for the necessaries of life, Gen. 
Kniphausen passed from New York into New Jer- 
sey with live thousand men. These were soon re- 
inforced with a detachment of the victorious troops 
returned with Sir Henry Clinton from South Car- 
olina. It is difficult to tell what was the precise 



148 THE LIFE OF 

object of this expedition. Perhaps the royal com- 
manders hoped to get possession of Morristown, 
and destroy the American stores. Perhaps they 
flattered themselves that the inhabitants, dispirited 
by the recent Hill of Charleston, would submit 
without resistance ; and that the soldiers would 
desert to the royal standard. Sundry movements 
took place on both sides, and also smart skir- 
mishes, but without any decisive effect. At one 
time Washington conjectured that the destruction 
of his stores was the object of the enemy ; at an- 
other, that the whole was a feint to draw off his 
attention, while they pushed up the North River 
from New York, to attack West Point. The 
American army was stationed with a view to both 
objects. The security of the stores was attended 
to, and such a position taken, as would compel 
the British to fight under great disadvantages, if 
they risked a general action to get at them. The 
American General Howe, who commanded at the 
Highlands, was ordered to concentrate his force 
for the security of West Point ; and Washington, 
with the principal division of his army, took such 
a middle position, as enabled him either to fall 
back to defend his stores, or to advance for the 
defence of West Point, as circumstances might 
require. The first months of the year were spent 
in these desultory operations. The disasters to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



149 



the south produced no disposition in the north to 
give up the contest ; but the tardiness of Congress 
and of the states ; the weakness of government, 
and the depreciation of the money, deprived Wash- 
ington of all means of attempting any thing be- 
yond defensive operations. 

In this state of languor Marquis de la Fayette 
arrived from France, with assurances that a French 
fleet and army might soon be expected on the 
coast. This roused the Americans from that leth- 
argy into which they seemed to be sinking. Re- 
quisitions on the states for men and money, were 
urged with uncommon earnestness. Washing- 
ton, in his extensive correspondence throughout 
the United States, endeavoured to stimulate the 
public mind to such exertions as the approaching 
crisis required. In addition to arguments form- 
erly used, he endeavoured on this occasion, by a 
temperate view of European politics, to convince 
his countrymen, of the real danger of their inde- 
pendence, if they neglected to improve the advan- 
tages they might obtain by a great and manly ef- 
fort, in conjunction with the succours expected 
from France. The resolutions of Congress for 
this purpose were slowly executed. The quotas 
assigned to the several states were by their respect- 
ive legislatures apportioned on the several coun- 
ties and towns. These divisions were again sub- 



150 FHE LITE Or 

divided into classes, and each class was called up- 
on to furnish a man. This predominance of state 
systems over those which were national, was fore- 
seen and lamented by the commander in chief. 
In a letter to a member of the national legislature, 
he observed, " that unless Congress speaks in a 
more decisive tone ; unless they are vested with 
powers by the several states competent to the 
great purposes of the war, or assume them as mat- 
ter of right, and they and the states respectively 
act with more energy than hitherto, they have done ; 
our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on 
in the old way. By ill timing the adoption of 
measures ; by delays in the execution of them, or 
by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous 
expenses, and derive no benefit. One state will 
comply with a requisition from Congress ; another 
neglects to do it ; a third executes it by halves ; 
and all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much 
in point of time, that we are always working up 
hill ; and while such a system as the present one, 
or rather want of one, prevails, we ever shall be 
unable to apply our strength or resources to any 
advantage. 

" This, my dear sir, is plain language to a mem- 
ber of Congress ; but it is the language of truth 
and friendship. It is the result of long thinking, 
close application, and strict observation. I see one 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151 

head gradually changing into thirteen ; I see one 
army branching into thirteen ; and, instead of 
looking up to Congress as the supreme controlling 
power of the United States, considering themselves 
as dependent on their respective states. In a 
word, I see the power of Congress declining too 
fast for the consequence and respect which are due 
to them as the great representative body of Amer- 
ica, and am fearful of the consequences." 

From the embarrassments which cramped the 
operations of Washington, a partial temporary re- 
lief was obtained from private sources. When 
Congress could neither command money nor cred- 
it for the subsistence of their army, the citizens of 
Philadelphia formed an association to procure a 
supply of necessary articles for their suffering sold- 
iers. The sum of three hundred thousand dollars 
was subscribed in a few days, and converted into a 
bank, the principal design of which was to pur- 
chase provisions for the troops in the most prompt 
and efficacious manner. The advantages of this 
institution were great, and particularly enhanced 
by the critical time in which it was instituted. 

The ladies of Philadelphia, about the same time, 
subscribed large donations for the immediate re- 
lief of the suffering soldiers. These supplies, 
though liberal, were far short of a sufficiency for 
the armv. So late as the 20th. of June, Gen. 



i'6Z THE LIFE OF 

Washington informed Congress that he still la- 
boured under the painful and humiliating embar- 
rassment of having no shirts to deliver to the 
troops, many of whom were absolutely destitute 
of that necessary article ; nor were they much bet- 
ter supplied with summer overalls. " For the 
troops to be without clothing at any time, he add- 
ed, is highly injurious to the service, and distress- 
ing to our feelings ; but the want will be more pe- 
culiarly mortifying when they come to act with 
those of our allies. If it be possible, I have no 
doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve 
their distress. 

"It is also most sincerely to be wished that there 
could be some supplies of clothing furnished to 
the officers. There are a great many whose con- 
dition is miserable. This is, in some instances, 
the case with whole lines. It would be well for 
their own sakes, and for the public good, if they 
could be furnished. They will not be able, when 
our friends come, to co-operate with us, to go on 
a common routine of dim ; and if they should, 
they must from their appearance be held in low- 
estimation. " 

The complicated arrangements for raising and 
supporting the American army, which was voted 
for the campaign, were so tardily executed that 
when the summer was far advanced, Washington 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



15: 



was uninformed of the force on which he might 
rely ; and of course could not fix on any certain 
plan of operations for the combined armies. In 
a letter to Congress he expressed his embarrass- 
ment in the following words ; " The season is 
come when we have every reason to expect the 
arrival of the fleet ; and yet for want of this point 
of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to 
form a system of co-operation. I have no basis 
to act upon, and of course were this generous suc- 
cour of our ally now to arrive, I should find my- 
self in the most awkward, embarrassing, and pain- 
ful situation. The General and the Admiral, as 
soon as they approach our coast, will require of 
me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there 
ought of right to be one prepared ; but circum- 
stanced as I am, I cannot even give them conjec- 
tures. From these considerations I yesterday sug- 
gested to the committee the indispensable necessi- 
ty of their writing again to the states, urging them 
to give immediate and precise information of the 
measures they have taken, and of the result. The 
interest of the states ; the honour and reputation 
of our councils ; the justice and gratitude due to 
our allies ; all require that I should without delay 
be enabled to ascertain and inform them what we 
can or cannot undertake. There is a point which 

ought now to be determined, on the success of 
21 



154 



THE LIFE or 



which all our future operations may depend ; on 
which, for want of knowing our prospects, I can 
make no decision. For fear of involving the fleet 
and army of our allies in circumstances which 
would expose them, if not seconded by us, to ma- 
terial inconvenience and hazard, I shall be com- 
pelled to suspend it, and the delay may be fatal to 
our hopes." 

In this state of uncertainty, Washington medi- 
tated by night and day on the various contiugen- 
ces which were probable. He revolved the pos- 
sible situations in which the contending armies 
might be placed, and endeavoured to prepare for 
every plan of combined operations which future 
contingent events might render advisable. 

On the 10th. of July the expected French fleet 
and army appeared on the coast of Rhode Island. 
The former consisted of seven sail of the line, five 
frigates, and five smaller vessels. The latter of 
six thousand men. The Chevalier Terney and 
Count Rochambeau, who commanded the fleet 
and army, immediately transmitted to Gen. Wash- 
ington an account of their arrival, of their strength, 
their expectations, and orders. At that time not 
more than one thousand men had joined the Amer- 
ican army. A commander of no more than com- 
mon firmness, would have resigned his commis- 
sion in disgust, for not being supported by his 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



155 



country. Very different was the line of conduct 
adopted by Washington. Trusting that the prom- 
ised support would be forwarded with all possible 
despatch, he sent on to the French commanders 
by the Marquis de la Fayette, definite proposals 
for commencing the siege of New York. Of this 
he gave information to Congress in a letter, in the 
following words ; " Pressed on all sides by a 
choice of difficulties, in a moment which required 
decision, I have adopted that line of conduct which 
comported with the dignity and faith of Congress, 
the reputation of these states, and the honour of 
our arms. I have sent on definitive proposals of 
co-operation to the French General and Admiral. 
Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to 
decency, would permit delay. The die is cast ; 
and it remains with the states either to fulfil their 
engagements, preserve their credit, and support 
their independence, or to involve us in disgrace 
and defeat. Notwithstanding the failures pointed 
out by the committee, I shall proceed on the sup- 
position that they will ultimately consult their own 
interest and honour, and not suffer us to fail for 
the want of means, which it is evidently in their 
power to afford. What has been done, and is do- 
ing by some of the states, confirms the opinion I 
have entertained, of sufficient resources in the coun- 
try. Of the disposition of the people to submit to 



156 



THE LIFE OF 



any arrangement for bringing them forth, I see no 
reasonable ground to doubt. If we fail for want 
of proper exertions in any of the governments, I 
trust the responsibility will fall where it ought, and 
that I shall stand justified to Congress, my coun- 
try, and the worid." 

The fifth of the next month, August, was nam- 
ed as the day when the French troops should em- 
bark, and the American army assemble in Mor- 
risania, for the purpose of commencing their com- 
bined operations. Very soon after the arrival of 
the French fleet, Admiral Greaves reinforced the 
British naval force in the harbour of New York, 
with six ships of the line. Hitherto the French 
had a naval superiority. Without it, all prospect 
of success in the proposed attack on New York 
was visionary ; but this being suddenly and unex- 
pectedly reversed, the plan for eombined opera- 
tions became eventual. The British Admiral hav- 
ing now the superiority, proceeded to Rhode Isl- 
and to attack the French in that quarter. He soon 
discovered that the French were perfectly secure 
from any attack by sea. Sir Henry Clinton, who 
had returned in the preceding month with his vic- 
torious troops from Charleston, embarked about 
eight thousand of his best men, and proceeded as 
far as Huntingdon Bay, on Long Island, with the 
apparent design of concurring with the British 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157 

fleet in attacking the French force at Rhode Island. 
When this movement took place, Washington set 
his army in motion, and proceeded to Peekskill. 
Had Sir Henry Clinton prosecuted what appeared 
to be his design, Washington intended to have at- 
tacked New York in his absence. Preparations 
were made for this purpose, but Sir Henry Clin- 
ton instantly turned about from Huntingdon Bay 
toward New York. 

In the mean time, the French fleet and army 
being blocked up at Rhode Island, were incapac- 
itated from co-operating with the Americans. 
Hopes were nevertheless indulged, that by the ar- 
rival of another fleet of his Most Christian Majes- 
ty, then in the West Indies, under the command 
of Count de Guichen, the superiority would be so 
much in favour of the allies, as to enable them to 
prosecute their original intention of attacking New 
York. When the expectations of the Americans 
were raised to the highest pitch, and when they 
were in great forwardness of preparation to act in 
concert with their allies, intelligence arrived that 
Count de Guichen had sailed for France. This 
disappointment was extremely mortifying. 

Washington still adhered to his purpose of at- 
tacking New York at some future more favoura- 
ble period. On this subject he corresponded with 
the French commanders, and had a personal inter- 



158 



THE LI IE OE 



view with them on the twenty first of September, 
at Hartford. The arrival of Admiral Rodney on 
the American coast, a short time after, with eleven 
ships of the line, disconcerted for that season, all 
the plans of the allies. Washington felt with in- 
finite regret, a succession of abortive projects 
throughout the campaign of 1780. In that year, 
and not before, he had indulged the hope of hap- 
pily terminating the war. In a letter to a friend, 
he wrote as follows ; " We are now drawing to a 
close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which 
appeared pregnant with events of a very favoura- 
ble complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in vain, 
that a prospect was opening which would enable 
me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and re- 
store me to domestic life. The favourable dispo- 
sition of Spain ; the promised succour from France ; 
the combined force in the West Indies ; the dec- 
laration of Russia, acceded to by other powers of 
hurope, humiliating the naval pride and power of 
Great Britain ; the superiority of France and Spain 
by sea, in Europe ; the Irish claims, and English 
disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion 
in my breast, which is not very susceptible of 
peaceful dreams, that the hour of deliverance was 
not far distant ; for that, however unwilling Great 
Britain might be to yield the point, it would not 
be in her power to continue the contest, But, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159 

alas ! these prospects, flattering as they were, have 
proved delusory ; and I see nothing before us 
but accumulating distress. We have been half 
of our time without provisions, and are likely to 
continue so. We have no magazines, nor money 
to form them. We have lived upon expedients 
until we can live no longer. In a word, the histo- 
ry of the war is a history of false hopes and tem- 
porary devices, instead of system and economy. 
It is in vain, however, to look back ; nor is it our 
business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if 
virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom 
among our rulers. But, to suppose that this great 
revolution can be accomplished by a temporary 
army ; that this army will be subsisted by state 
supplies ; and that taxation alone is adequate to 
our wants, is, in my opinion, absurd." 



160 THE LIFE or 



CHAPTER VIIL 

CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 

The Pennsylvania line mutinies.. ..The Jersey troops follow their exam- 
ple, but are quelled by decisive measures... .Gen. Washington com- 
mences a military journal, detailing the wants and distresses of his ar 
my Is invited to the defence of his native state, Virginia, but de- 
clines Reprimands the manager of his private estate for furnishing 

the enemy with supplies, to prevent the destruction of his property 
Extinguishes the incipient flames of a ci\il war, respecting the inde- 
pendence of the state of Vermont.. ...Plans a combined operation 
against the British, and deputes Lieut. Col. John Laurens to solicit 
the co-operation of the French The combined forces of both na- 
tions rendezvous in the Chesapeak, and take lord Cornwallis and his 

army prisoners of war Washington returns to the vicinity of Neu 

York, and urges the necessity of preparing for a new campaign. 

The year 1780 ended in the northern states with 
disappointment, and the year 1781 commenced 
with mutiny. In the night of the first of January 
about thirteen hundred of the Pennsylvania line pa- 
raded under arms in their encampment, near Mor- 
ristown, avowing a determination to march to the 
seat of Congress, and obtain a redress of their 
grievances, without which they would serve no 
lunger. The exertions of Gen. Wayne and the 
other officers to quell the mutiny, were in vain. 
The whole body marched off with six field pieces 
toward Princeton. They stated their demands in 
writing ; which were, a discharge to all who had 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161 

served three years, an immediate payment of all 
that was due to them, and that future pay should 
be made in real money to all who remained in the 
service. Their officers, a committee of Congress, 
and a deputation from the executive council of 
Pennsylvania, endeavoured to effect an accommo- 
dation ; but the mutineers resolutely refused all 
terms, of which a redress of their grievances was 
not the foundation. 

To their demands as founded in justice, the civil 
authority of Pennsylvania substantially yielded. 
Intelligence of this mutiny was communicated to 
Gen. Washington at New Windsor, before any 
accommodation had taken place. Though he had 
been long accustomed to decide in hazardous and 
difficult situations, yet it was no easy matter in 
this delicate crisis, to determine on the most prop- 
er course to be pursued. His personal influence 
had several times extinguished rising mutinies. 
The first scheme that presented itself was, to re- 
pair to the camp of the mutineers, and trv to re- 
call them to a sense of their duty ; but on ma- 
ture reflection this was declined. He well knew 
that their claims were founded in justice, but he 
could not reconcile himself to wound the disci- 
pline of his army, by yielding to their demands 
while they were in open revolt with arms in their 
hands. He viewed the subject in all its relations, 
22 



162 



THIS LIFE OJ- 



and was well apprised that the principal grounds 
of discontent were not peculiar to the Pennsylvania 
line, but common to all his troops. 

II' force was requisite, he had none to spare with- 
out hazarding West Point. If concessions were 
unavoidable, they had better be made by any per- 
son than the commander in chief. After that due 
deliberation which he always gave to matters of 
importance, he determined against a personal in- 
terference, and to leave the whole to the civil au- 
thorities, which had already taken it up ; but at the 
same time prepared for those measures which 
would become necessary, if no accommodation took 
place. This resolution was communicated to Gen. 
Wayne, with a caution to regard the situation of 
the other lines of the army in any concessions which 
might be made, and with a recommendation to 
draw the mutineers over the Delaware, with a view 
to increase the difficulty of communicating with 
the enemy in New York. 

The dangerous policy of yielding even to the 
just demands of soldiers with arms in their hands, 
soon became apparent. The success of the Penn- 
sylvania line induced a part of that of New Jersey 
to hope for similar advantages, from similar con- 
duct. A part of the Jersey brigade rose in arms, 
and making the same claims which had been yield- 
ed to the Pennsylvanians, marched to Chatham. 



GE011GE WASHINGTON. 165 

Washington, who was far from being pleased with 
the issue of the mutiny in the Pennsylvania line, 
determined by strong measures to stop the prog- 
ress of a spirit which was hostile to all his hopes. 
Gen. Howe, with a detachment of the eastern 
troops, was immediately ordered to march against 
the mutineers, and instructed to make no terms 
with them while they were in a state of resistance ; 
and on their surrender to seize a few of the most 
active leaders, and to execute them immediately 
in the presence of their associates. These orders 
were obeyed ; two of the ringleaders were shot, 
and the survivers returned to their duty. 

Though Washington adopted these decisive 
measures, yet no man was more sensible of the 
merits and sufferings of his army, and none more 
active and zealous in procuring them justice. He 
improved the late events, by writing circular let- 
ters to the states, urging them to prevent all future 
causes of discontent by fulfilling their engagements 
with their respective lines. Some good effects 
were produced, but only temporary, and far short 
of the well founded claims of the army. Their 
wants with respect to provisions were only par- 
tially supplied, and by expedients, from one short 
time to another. The most usual was ordering 
an officer to seize on provisions wherever found. 
This differed from robbing only in its being done 



164 



Tilt; LIFE 01' 



by authority for the public service, and in the offi- 
cer being always directed to give the proprietor a 
certificate of the quantity and quality of what was 
taken from him. At first, some reliance was 
placed on these certificates, as vouchers to sup- 
port a future demand on the United States ; but 
they soon became so common as to be of little 
value. Recourse was so frequently had to coer- 
cion, both legislative and military, that the people 
not only lost confidence in public credit, but be- 
came impatient under all exertions of authority 
for forcing their property from them. About this 
time Gen. Washington was obliged to apply nine 
thousand dollars sent by the state of Massachu- 
setts, for the payment of her troops, to the use of 
the quarter master's department, to enable him to 
transport provisions from the adjacent states. Be- 
fore he consented to adopt this expedient, he had 
consumed every ounce of provision which had 
been kept as a reserve in the garrison of West 
Point, and had strained impress by military force- 
to so great an extent, that there was reason to ap- 
prehend the inhabitants, irritated by such frequent 
calls, would proceed to dangerous insurrections. 
Fort Schuyler, West Point, and the posts up the 
North River, were on the point of being abandon- 
ed by their starving garrisons. At this period 
there was little or no circulating medium, either 



: orm of paper or specie, and in the r 
bourhood c : :zan army, there was a real 

nt of ne: e deficit 

the former occ. iences, t 

:er had well nigh dis- 
solved the army, a*". 

ns. 
On the first 781, -hington 

need a . urnal. The 

at this 
.1 of military trans_ c 

jm the 

I 

may r. :pt my 

x it of 1 

• • To have 1 

"to 
.ail, on 

i time and 

3 if 

] 



106 THE LIFE 01 

" Instead of having our arsenals well supplied 
with military stores, they are poorly provided, 
and the workmen all leaving them. Instead of 
having the various articles of field equipage in 
readiness, the Quarter Master general is but now 
applying to the several states to provide these 
things for their troops respectively. Instead of 
having a regular system of transportation estab- 
lished upon credit, or funds in the Quarter Mas- 
ter's hands to defray the contingent expenses 
thereof, we have neither the one nor the other ; 
and all that business, or a great part of it, being 
done by impressment, we are daily and hourly 
oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and 
alienating their affections. Instead of having the 
regiments completed agreeable to the requisitions 
of Congress, scarce any state in the union has at 
this hour one eighth part of its quota in the field, 
and there is little prospect of ever getting more 
than half. In a word, instead of having any thing 
in readiness to take the field, we have nothing; 
and, instead of having the prospect of a glorious 
offensive campaign before us, we have a bewilder- 
ed and gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless 
we should receive a powerful aid of ships, troops, 
and money, from our generous allies, and these at 
present are too contingent to build upon." 

While the Americans were suffering the com- 
plicated calamities which introduced the year 1781, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



167 



their adversaries were carrying on the most exten- 
sive plan of operations against them which had 
ever been attempted. It had often been objected 
to the British commanders, that they had not con- 
ducted the war in the manner most likely to effect 
the subjugation of the revolted provinces. Mil- 
itary critics found fault with them for keeping a 
large army idle at New York, which, they said, 
if properly applied, would have been sufficient to 
make successful impressions at one and the same 
time on several of the states. The British seem 
to have calculated the campaign of 1781, with a 
view to make an experiment of the comparative 
merit of this mode of conducting military opera- 
tions. The war raged in that year not only in the 
vicinity of the British head quarters at New York, 
but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, 
and in Virginia. 

In this extensive warfare, Washington could 
have no immediate agency in the southern depart- 
ment. His advice in corresponding with the offi- 
cers commanding in Virginia, the Carolinas, and 
Georgia, was freely and beneficially given ; and 
as large detachments sent to their aid as could be 
spared consistently with the security of West 
Point. In conducting the war, his invariable max- 
im was, to suffer the devastation of property, rath- 
er than hazard great and essential objects for its 



168 THE LIl-E OF 

preservation. While the war raged in Virginia, 
the Governor thereof, its representatives in Con- 
gress, and other influential citizens, urged his re- 
turn to the defence of his native state. But, con- 
sidering America as his country, and the general 
safety as his object, he deemed it of more impor- 
tance to remain on the Hudson ; there he was not 
only securing the most important post in the Unit- 
ed States, but concerting a grand plan of combin- 
ed operations, which, as shall soon be related, not 
only delivered Virginia, but all the states, from 
the calamities of the war. 

In Washington's disregard of property when in 
competition with national objects, he was in no 
respect partial to his own. While the British 
were in the Potowmac, they sent a flag on shore 
to Mount Vernon, his private estate, requiring a 
supply of fresh provisions. Refusals of such de- 
mands were often followed by burning the houses 
and other property near the river. To prevent 
this catastrophe, the person intrusted with the 
management of the estate, went on board with the 
flag, and carrying a supply of provisions, request- 
ed that the buildings and improvements might be 
spared. For this he received a severe reprimand 
in a letter to him, in which the General observed ; 
" That it would have been a less painful circum- 
stance to me to have heard, that, in consequence 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169 

of your noncompliance with the request of the 
British, they had burnt my house, and laid my 
plantation in rums. You ought to have consider- 
ed yourself as my representative, and should have 
reflected on the bad example of communicating 
with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of 
refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a con- 
flagration." 

To the other difficulties with which Washing- 
ton had to contend in the preceding years of the 
war, a new one was about this time added. While 
the whole force at his disposal was unequal to the 
defence of the country against the common enemy, 
a civil war was on the point of breaking out among 
his fellow citizens. The claims of the inhabitants 
of Vermont to be a separate independent state, 
and of the state of New York, to their country, as 
within its chartered limits, together with open 
offers from the Royal Commanders to establish 
and defend them as a British province, produced 
a serious crisis, which called for the interference 
of the American chief. This was the more nec- 
essary, as the governments of New York and of 
Vermont were both resolved on exercising a juris- 
diction over the same people and the same terri- 
tory. Congress, wishing to compromise the con- 
troversy on middle ground, resolved, in August, 

1781, to accede to the independence of Vermont 
23 



170 THE LIFE OF 

on certain conditions, and within certain specified 
limits, which they supposed would satisfy both 
parties. Contrary to their expectations, this me- 
diatorial act of the national legislature was rejected 
by Vermont, and yet was so disagreeable to the 
legislature of New York as to draw from them a 
spirited protest against it. Vermont complained 
that Congress interfered in their internal police ; 
New York viewed the resolve as a virtual dis- 
memberment of their state, which was a constitu- 
ent part of the confederacy. Washington, anxious 
for the peace of the union, sent a message to 
Chittenden, Governor of Vermont, desiring to 
know " what were the real designs, views, and 
intentions, of the people of Vermont ; whether 
they would be satisfied with the independence 
proposed by Congress, or had it seriously in con- 
templation to join with the enemy, and become a 
British province." The Governor returned an 
unequivocal answer ; " that there were no people 
on the continent more attached to the cause of 
America than the people of Vermont ; but they 
were fully determined not to be put under the 
government of New York ; that they would op- 
pose this by force of arms, and would join with 
the British in Canada rather than to submit to that 
government." While both states were dissatisfied 
with Congress, and their animosities, from increas- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



171 



ing violence and irritation, became daily more 
alarming, Washington, aware of the extremes to 
which all parties were tending, returned an answer 
to Gov. Chittenden, in which were these expres- 
sions. " It is not my business, neither do I think 
it necessary now to discuss the origin of the right 
of a number of inhabitants to that tract of country 
formerly distinguished by the name of the New 
Hampshire grants, and now known by that of 
Vermont. I will take it for granted that their 
right was good, because Congress by their resolve 
of the 7th. August, imply it, and by that of the 
2 1st. are willing fully to confirm it, provided the 
new state is confined to certain described bounds. 
It appears therefore to me, that the dispute of 
boundary is the only one that exists ; and that be- 
ing removed, all other difficulties would be remov- 
ed also, and the matter terminated to the satisfac- 
tion of all parties. You have nothing to do but 
withdraw your jurisdiction to the confines of your 
old limits, and obtain an acknowledgment of inde- 
pendence and sovereignty, under the resolve of 
the 21st. of August, for so much territory as does 
not interfere with the ancient established bounds 
of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachu- 
setts. In my private opinion, while it behooves 
the delegates to do ample justice to a body of 
people sufficiently respectable by their numbers. 



172 THE LIFE OF 

and entitled by other claims to be admitted into 
that confederation, it becomes them also to attend 
to the interests of their constituents, and see that 
under the appearance of justice to one, they do not 
materially injure the rights of others. I am apt 
to think this is the prevailing opinion of Con- 
gress." 

The impartiality, moderation, and good sense, 
of this letter, together with a full conviction of the 
disinterested patriotism of the writer, brought 
round a revolution in the minds of the legislature 
of Vermont; and they accepted the propositions 
of Congress, though the}- had rejected them four 
months before. A truce among the contending 
parties followed, and the storm blew over. Thus 
the personal influence of one man, derived from 
his pre-eminent virtues and meritorious services, 
extinguished the sparks of civil discord at the 
time they were kindling into flame.* 

Though in conducting the American war, Gen. 
Washington often acted on the Fabian system, by 
evacuating, retreating, and avoiding decisive en- 
gagements ; yet this was much more the result of 
necessity than of choice. His uniform opinion 

v Tor more particulars, sec Williams's History of Vermont; a work 
which, for its superior merit, deserves a place in overs Library. If the 
Author had hceu an European, this would probably have been the case 
joon alter his enlightened philosophical History had crossed the Atlantic, 
and made its appearance in the I'liiled States. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



173 



was in favour of energetic offensive operations, as 
the most effectual means of bringing the war to a 
termination. On this principle he planned at- 
tacks in almost every year on some or other of the 
British armies or strong posts in the United States. 
He endeavoured, from year to year, to stimulate 
the public mind to some great operation ; but 
was never properly supported. In the years 1778, 
1779, and 1780, the projected combined opera- 
tions with the French, as has been related, entire- 
ly miscarried. The idea of ending the war by 
some decisive military exploit, continually occu- 
pied his active mind. To ensure success, a naval 
superiority on the coast, and a loan of money, were 
indispensably necessary. The last was particular- 
ly so in the year 1781 ; for the resources of the 
United States were then so reduced, as to be une- 
qual to the support of their army, or even to the 
transportation of it to any distant scene of action. 
To obtain these necessary aids, it was determined 
to send an envoy extraordinary to the court of 
Versailles. Lieut. Col. John Laurens was select- 
ed for this purpose. He was in every respect 
qualified for the important mission. In addition 
to the most engaging personal address, his con- 
nexion with the commander in chief, as one of his 
aids, gave him an opportunity of being intimately 
acquainted with the military capacities and weak- 



174 THE LIFE OF 

nesses of his country. These were also particu- 
larly detailed in the form of a letter to him from 
Gen. Washington. This was written when the 
Pennsylvania line was in open revolt. Among 
other interesting matters it stated, " That the ef- 
forts already made by the United States exceeded 
the natural ability of the country ; and that any 
revenue they were capable of making would leave 
a large surplus to be supplied by credit ; that ex- 
perience had proved the impossibility of support- 
ing a paper system without funds, and that domestic 
loans could not be effected, because there were 
few men of monied capital in the United States ; 
that from necessity recourse had been had to mil- 
itary impressments for supporting the army, which, 
if continued longer, or urged farther, would proba- 
bly disgust the people, and bring round a revolu- 
tion of public sentiment. 

" That the relief procured by these violent 
means was so inadequate, that the patience of the 
army was exhausted, and their discontents had 
broke out in serious and alarming mutinies ; that 
the relief necessary was not within the power of 
the United States ; and that from a view of all 
circumstances, a loan of money was absolutely 
necessary for reviving public credit, and giving 
vigour to future operations." It was farther stat- 
ed, " that next to a loan of monev, a French naval 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



175 



superiority in the American seas was of so much 
consequence, that without it nothing decisive 
could be undertaken against the British, who were 
in the greatest force on and near the coasts." 

The future capacities of the United States to 
repay any loan that might be made, were partic- 
ularly stated ; and that " there was still a fund 
of resource and inclination in the country equal 
to great exertions, provided a liberal supply of 
money would furnish the means of stopping the 
progress of disgust which resulted from the un- 
popular mode of supplying the army by requisi- 
tion and impressment." 

Such interesting statements, sanctioned by the 
American chief, and enforced by the address of 
Col. Laurens, directly from the scene of action, 
and the influence of Dr. Franklin, who, for the 
five preceding years, had been minister plenipo- 
tentiary from the United States to the court of 
Versailles, produced the desired effect. His 
Most Christian Majesty gave his American allies 
a subsidy of six millions of livres, and became 
their security for ten millions more, borrowed for 
their use in the United Netherlands. A naval co- 
operation was promised, and a conjunct expedi- 
tion against their common foes projected. 

The American war was now so far involved in 
'he consequences of naval operations, that a su- 



176 THE LIFE OF 

perior French fleet seemed to be the hinge on 
which it was likely soon to take a favourable turn. 
The British army being parcelled in the different 
seaports of the United States, any division of it, 
blocked up by a French fleet, could not long re- 
sist the superior combined force which might be 
brought to operate against it. The Marquis de 
Castries, who directed the marine of France with 
great precision, calculated the naval force which 
the British could concentre on the coast of the 
United States, and disposed his own in such a 
manner as ensured him a superiority. In con- 
formity to these principles, and in subserviency to 
the design of the campaign, M. de Grasse sailed 
in March, 1781, from Brest, with twenty five sail 
of the line, several thousand land forces, and a 
laree convoy amounting to more than two hun- 
dred ships. A small part of this force was des- 
tined for the East Indies ; but M. de Grasse with 
the greater part sailed for Martinique. 

The British fleet then in the West Indies had 
been previously weakened by the departure of a 
squadron for the protection of the ships which 
were employed in carrying to England the booty 
which had been taken at St. Eustatius. The 
British Admirals Hood and Drake were detached 
to intercept the outward bound French fleet, com- 
manded by M. de Grasse ; but a junction be- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



177 



tween his force and eight ships of the line, and 
one of fifty guns, which were previously at Mar- 
tinique' and St. Domingo, was nevertheless effect- 
ed. By this combination of fresh ships from Eu- 
rope, with the French fleet previously in the West 
Indies, they had a decided superiority. M. de 
Grasse having finished his business in the West 
Indies, sailed in the beginning of August with a 
prodigious convoy. After seeing this out of dan- 
ger, he directed his course for the Chesapeak, 
and arrived there on the thirtieth of the same 
month. Five days before his arrival in the Ches- 
apeak, the French fleet in Rhode Island sailed 
for the same place. These fleets, notwithstanding 
their original distance from the scene of action, 
and from each other, coincided in their operations 
in an extraordinary manner, far beyond the reach 
of military calculation. They all tended to one 
object, and at one and the same time ; and that 
object was neither known nor suspected by the 
British, till the proper season for counteraction 
was elapsed. 

This coincidence of favourable circumstances 
extended to the marches of the American and 
French land forces. The plan of operations had 
been so well digested, and was so faithfully exe- 
cuted by the different commanders, that Gen. 
Washington and Count Rochambeau had passed 
24 



178 THE LIFE OF 

the British head quarters in New York, and were 
considerably advanced in their way to Yorntown, 
before Count de Grasse had reached the Ameri- 
can coast. This was effected in the following 
manner ; Mons. de Barras, appointed to the com- 
mand of the French squadron at New Port, ar- 
rived at Boston with despatches for Count de Ro- 
chambeau. An interview soon after took place 
at Wcathersfield, between Generals Washington, 
Knox, and du Portail, on the part of the Ameri- 
cans, and Count de Rochambeau and the Cheva- 
lier Chastelleux, on the part of the French. At 
this interview an eventual plan of the whole cam- 
paign was fixed. This was to lay siege to New 
York, in concert with a French fleet, which was 
to arrive on the coast in the month of August. 
It was agreed that the French troops should march 
toward the North River. Letters were addressed 
by Gen. Washington to the executive officers of 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
New Jersey, requiring them to fill up their battal- 
ions, and to have their quotas of six thousand two 
hundred militia in readiness within a week of the 
time they might be called for. Conformably to 
these outlines of the campaign, the French troops 
marched from Rhode Island in June, and early in 
the following month joined the American army. 
At the same time Washington marched his army 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



179 



from their winter encampment near'Peekskill to the 
"vicinity of Kingsbridge. Gen. Lincoln fell down 
the North River with a detachment in boats, and took 
possession of the ground where Fort Independence 
formerly stood. An attack was made upon him, 
but was soon discontinued. The British about this 
time retired with almost the whole of their force 
to York Island. Washington hoped to be able to 
commence operations against New York about the 
middle, or at farthest the latter end of July. Flat 
bottomed boats sufficient to transport five thousand 
men were built ne*r Albany, and brought down 
the North River to the neighbourhood of the Amer- 
ican army before New York. Ovens were erected 
opposite to Staten Island for the use of the French 
troops. Every movement introductory to the com- 
mencement of the siege was made. To the great 
mortification of Washington, he found himself on 
the 2d. of August, to be only a few hundreds strong- 
er than he was on the day his army first moved 
from their winter quarters. To have fixed on a 
plan of operations with a foreign officer at the head 
of a respectable force ; to have brought that force 
from a considerable distance in confident expecta- 
tion of reinforcements sufficiently large to com- 
mence effective operations against the common 
enemy ; and at the same time to have engagements 
in behalf of the states violated in direct opposi- 



180 THE LIFE OF 

tion to their own interest, and in a manner derog- 
atory to his personal honour, was enough to have 
excited storms and tempests in any mind less 
calm than that of Gen. Washington. He bore 
this hard trial with his usual magnanimity, and 
contented himself with repeating his requisitions 
to the states ; and at the same time urged them 
by every tie to enable him to fulfil engagements 
entered into on their account with the commander 
of the French troops. 

That tardiness which at other times had brought 
the Americans near the brink of ruin, was now 
the accidental cause of real service. Had they 
sent forward their recruits for the regular army ? 
and their quotas of militia, as was expected, the 
siege of New York would have commenced in the 
latter end of July, or early in August. While the 
season was wasting away in expectation of these 
reinforcements, lord Cornwallis, as has been men- 
tioned, fixed himself near the Capes of Virginia,. 
His situation there ; the arrival of a reinforcement 
of three thousand Germans from Europe to New 
York ; the superior strength of their garrison ; the 
failure of the states in filling up their battalions 
and embodying their militia ; and especially recent 
intelligence from Count de Grasse, that his des- 
tination was fixed to the Chesapeak, concurred 
about the middle of August to make a total change 
of the plan of the campaign. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 181 

The appearance of an intention to attack New 
York was r nevertheless, kept up. While this de- 
ception was played oft', the allied army crossed 
the North River, and passed on by the way of 
Philadelphia through the intermediate country to 
Yorktovvn. An attempt to reduce the British 
force in Virginia promised success with more ex- 
pedition, and to secure an object of nearly equal 
importance as the reduction of New York. 

While the attack of New York was in serious 
contemplation, a letter from Gen. Washington, 
detailing the particulars of the intended operations 
of the campaign, being intercepted, fell into the 
hands of Sir Henry Clinton. After the plan was 
changed, the royal commander was so much under 
the impression of the intelligence contained in the 
intercepted letter, that he believed every move- 
ment toward Virginia to be a feint calculated to 
draw off his attention from the defence of New 
York. Under the influence of this opinion, he 
bent his whole force to strengthen that post ; and 
suffered the American and French armies to pass 
him without molestation. When the best oppor- 
tunity of striking at them was elapsed, then for the 
first time he was brought to believe, that the allies 
had fixed on Virginia for the theatre of their com- 
bined operations. As truth may be made to an- 
swer the purposes of deception, so no feint of at- 



182 THE LIFE OF 

tacking New York could have been more success- 
ful than the real intention. 

In the latter end of August, the American ar- 
my began their march to Virginia from the neigh- 
bourhood of New York. Washington had ad- 
vanced as far as Chester, before he received the 
news of the arrival of the fleet commanded by M. 
de Grasse. The French troops marched at the 
same time, and for the same place. Gen. Wash- 
ington and Count Rochambeau with Generals 
Chastelleux, du Portail, and Knox, proceeded to 
visit Count de Grasse on board his ship, the Villc 
de Paris, and agreed on a plan of operations. 

The Count afterward wrote to Washington? 
that in case a British fleet appeared, " he conceiv- 
ed that he ought to go out and meet them at sea, 
instead of risking an engagement in a confined 
situation." This alarmed the General. He sent 
the Marquis de la Fayette with a letter to dissuade 
him from the dangerous measure. This letter, 
and the persuasions of the Marquis, had the de- 
sired effect. 

The combined forces proceeded on their way 
to Yorktown, partly by land, and partly down the 
Chesapeak. The whole, together with a body of 
Virginia militia, under the command of Gen. Nel- 
son, rendezvoused at Williamsburg, on the 25th. 
)f September, and in five days after moved down 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183 

to the investiture of Yorktown. The French fleet 
at the same time moved to the mouth of York 
river, and took a position which was calculated 
to prevent lord Cornwallis either from retreating, 
or receiving succour by water. Previously to the 
march from Williamsburg to Yorktown, Wash- 
ington gave out in general orders as follows ; "If 
the enemy should be tempted to meet the army 
on its march, the General particularly enjoins the 
troops to place their principal reliance on the bay- 
onet, that they may prove the vanity of the boast, 
which the British make of their particular prowess, 
in deciding battles with that weapon." 

The works erected for the security of York- 
town on the right, were redoubts and batteries, 
with a line of stockade in the rear. A marshy ra- 
vine lay in front of the right, over which was 
placed a large redoubt. The morass extended 
along the centre, which was defended by a line 
of stockade, and by batteries. On the left of the 
centre was a hornwork with a ditch, a row of 
fraize, and an abbatis. Two redoubts were ad- 
vanced before the left. The combined forces ad- 
vanced, and took possession of the ground from 
which the British had retired. About this time 
the legion cavalry and mounted infantry passed 
over the river to Gloucester. Gen. de Choisy 
invested the British post on that side so fully, as 



184 Tllfc LIFE OF 

to cut olf all communication between it and the 
country. In the mean time, the royal army was 
straining every nerve to strengthen their works, 
and their artillery was constantly employed in im- 
peding the operations of the combined army. On 
the ninth and tenth of October, the Americans 
and French opened their batteries. They kept up 
a brisk and well directed fire from heavy cannon, 
from mortars, and howitzers. The shells of the 
besiegers reached the ships in the harbour ; the 
Charon of forty four guns, and a transport ship, 
were burned. The besiegers commenced their 
second parallel two hundred yards from the works 
of the besieged. Two redoubts which were ad- 
vanced on the left of the British, greatly impeded 
the progress of the combined armies. It was 
therefore proposed to carry them by storm. To 
excite a spirit of emulation, the reduction of the 
one was committed to the French, of the other to 
the Americans. The assailants marched to the 
assault with unloaded arms ; having passed the 
abbatis and palisades, they attacked on all sides, 
and carried the redoubt in a few minutes, with 
the loss of eight men killed, and twenty eight 
wounded. 

The French were equally successful on their 
part. They carried the redoubt assigned to them 
with rapidity, but lost a considerable number of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^ 

men. These two redoubts were included in the 
second parallel, and facilitated the subsequent op* 
erations of the besiegers. 

By this time the batteries of the besiegers were 
covered with nearly a hundred pieces of heavy 
ordnance, and the works of the besieged were so 
damaged that they could scarcely show a single 
gun. Lord Cornwallis had now no hope left, but 
from offering terms of capitulation, or attempting 
an escape. He determined on the latter. This, 
though less practicable than when first proposed, 
was not altogether hopeless. Boats were prepar- 
ed to receive the troops in the night, and to trans- 
port them to Gloucester point. After one whole 
embarkation had crossed, a violent storm of wind 
and rain dispersed the boats, and frustrated the 
whole scheme. The royal army, thus weakened 
by division, was exposed to increased danger. 
Orders were sent to those who had passed, to re- 
cross the river to Yorktown. With the failure of 
this scheme, the last hope of the British army ex- 
pired. Longer resistance could answer no good 
purpose, and might occasion the loss of many val- 
uable lives. Lord Cornwallis therefore wrote a 
letter to Gen. Washington, requesting a cessation 
of arms for twenty four hours ; and that commis- 
sioners might be appointed to digest terms of ca- 
pitulation. This was agreed to, and in conse- 
25 



18G THE LTFE OF 

quence thereof, the posts of York and Gloucester 
were surrendered on certain stipulations ; the prin- 
cipal of which were as follows ; " The troops to 
be prisoners of war to Congress, and the naval force 
to France ; the officers to retain their side arms 
and private property of every kind, but every thing 
obviously belonging to the inhabitants of the Unit- 
ed States, to be subject to be reclaimed; the 
soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, and 
Pennsylvania, and to be supplied with the same ra- 
tions as are allowed to soldiers in the service of 
Congress ; a proportion of the officers to march 
into the country with the prisoners, the rest to be 
allowed to proceed on parole to Europe, to New 
York, or to any other American maritime post in 
possession of the British." The honour of march- 
ing out with colours flying, which had been refus- 
ed to Gen. Lincoln on his giving up Charleston, 
was now refused to Earl Cornwallis ; and Gen. 
Lincoln was appointed to receive the submission 
of the royal army at Yorktown, precisely in the 
same way his own had been conducted about 
eighteen months before. 

The regular troops of America and France, em- 
ployed in this siege, consisted of about five thou- 
sand five hundred of the former, and seven thou- 
sand of the latter, and they were assisted by about 
four thousand militia. On the part of the com-. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187 

bincd army, about three hundred were killed or 
wounded. On the part of the British about five 
hundred, and seventy were taken in the redoubts, 
which were carried by assault on the 14th. of Oc- 
tober. The troops of every kind that surrendered 
prisoners of war, exceeded seven thousand men ; 
but so great was the number of sick and wound- 
ed, that there were only three thousand eight hun- 
dred capable of bearing arms. 

Congress honoured Gen. Washington, Count 
de Rochambeau, Count de Grasse, and the officers 
of the different corps, and the men under them, 
with thanks for their services in the reduction of 
lord Cornwallis. The whole project was conceiv- 
ed with profound wisdom, and the incidents of it 
had been combined with singular propriety. It 
is not therefore wonderful, that from the remarka- 
ble coincidence in all its parts, it was crowned with 
unvaried success. 

General Washington, on the day after the sur- 
render, ordered " that those who were under ar- 
rest, should be pardoned and set at liberty." His 
orders closed as follows ; " Divine service shall 
be performed tomorrow in the different brigades 
and divisions. The commander in chief recom- 
mends that all the troops that are not upon duty, 
do assist at it with a serious deportment, and that 
sensibility of heart which the recollection of the 



i88 



THE LIFE OF 



surprising and particular interposition of Provi- 
dence in our favour claims." The interesting 
event of captivating a second royal army, produc- 
ed strong emotions, which broke out in all the va- 
riety of ways in which the most rapturous joy 
usually displays itself. 

After the capture of lord Cornwallis, Washing- 
ton, with the greatest part of his army, returned 
to the vicinity of New York. In the preceding 
six years he had been accustomed to look forward 
and to provide for all possible events. In the hab- 
it of struggling with difficulties, his courage at all 
times grew with the dangers which surrounded 
him. In the most disastrous situations he was far 
removed from despair. On the other hand, those 
fortunate events which induced many to believe 
that the revolution was accomplished, never op- 
erated on him so far as to relax his exertions or 
precautions. Though complete success had been 
obtained by the allied arms in Virginia, and great 
advantages had been gained in 1781 in the Caro- 
linas, yet Washington urged the necessity of being 
prepared for another campaign. In a letter to Gen. 
Greene he observed, " I shall endeavour to stimu- 
late Congress to the best improvement of our late 
success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual 
measures to be ready for an early and decisive 
campaign the next year. My greatest fear is that, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189 

viewing this stroke in a point of light which may 
too much magnify its importance, they may think 
our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of 
languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I 
shall employ every means in my power ; and if 
unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part 
of the blame shall be mine." 



190 



THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER IX. 



1782 and 1783. 



Prospects of peace Languor of the States Discontents of the army. 

Gen. Washington prevents the adoption of rash measures Some 

new levies in Pennsylvania mutiny, and are quelled Washington. 

recommends measures for the preservation of independence, peace, 

liberty, and happiness Dismisses his army Enters New York. 

Takes leave of his officers Settles his accounts Repairs to Annap- 
olis... .Resigns his commission Retires to .Mount Vernon, and re- 
sumes his agricultural pursuits. 

The military establishment for 1782, was passed 
with unusual celerity shortly after the surrender 
of lord Cornwallis ; but no exertions of America 
alone could do more than confine the British to 
the sea coast. To dislodge them from their strong 
holds in New York and Charleston, occupied the 
unceasing attention of Washington. While he 
was concerting plans for farther combined opera- 
tions with the French, and at the same time en- 
deavouring by circular letters to rouse his coun- 
trymen to spirited measures, intelligence arrived 
that sundry motions for discontinuing the Ameri- 
can war had been debated in the British Parlia- 
ment, and nearly carried. Fearing that this would 
relax the exertions of the states, he added in his 
circular letters to their respective Governors, " I 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



191 



have perused these debates with great attention 
and care, with a view, if possible, to penetrate their 
real design ; and upon the most mature delibera- 
tion I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it as 
my candid opinion, that the measure, in all its 
views, so far as it respects America, is merely de- 
lusory, having no serious intention to admit our 
independence upon its true principles ; but is cal- 
culated to produce a change of ministers to quiet 
the minds of their own people, and reconcile them 
to a continuance of the war ; while it is meant to 
amuse this country with a false idea of peace, to 
draw us from our connexion with France, and to 
lull us into a state of security and inactivity ; which 
taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute 
the war in other parts of the world with greater 
vigour and effect. Your excellency will permit 
me on this occasion to observe, that even if the 
nation and parliament are really in earnest to ob- 
tain peace with America, it will undoubtedly be 
wisdom in us to meet them with great caution 
and circumspection, and by all means to keep our 
arms firm in our hands ; and instead of relaxing 
one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward 
with redoubled vigour, that we may take the ad- 
vantage of every favourable opportunity, until our 
wishes are fully obtained. No nation yet suffered 
in treaty by preparing, even in the moment of ne- 
gotiation, most vigorously for the field." 



192 THE LIFE 0± 

Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had suc- 
ceeded Sir Henry Clinton as commander in chief 
of the British forces in America, arrived in New- 
York, and announced in successive communica- 
tions, the increasing probability of a speedy peace, 
and his disapprobation of farther hostilities, which, 
he observed, " could only tend to multiply the 
miseries of individuals, without a possible advan- 
tage to cither nation." The cautious temper of 
Washington gradually yielded to increasing evi- 
dence that the British were seriously inclined to 
terminate the war ; but in proportion as this opin- 
ion prevailed, the exertions of the states relaxed. 
Not more than eighty thousand dollars had been 
received from all of them, when the month of 
August was far advanced. Every expenditure 
yielded to the subsistence of the army. A suffi- 
ciency of money could scarcely be obtained for 
that indispensably necessary purpose. To pay 
the troops was impossible. 

Washington, whose sagacity anticipated events, 
foresaw with concern the probable consequences 
likely to result from the tardiness of the states to 
comply with the requisitions of Congress. These 
had been ample. Eight millions of dollars had 
been called for, to be paid in four equal quarterly 
instalments, for the service of the year 1782. In 
a confidential letter to the Secretary of War, Wash- 
ington observed, " I cannot help fearing the re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193 

suit of reducing the army, where I see such a 
number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of 
reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the 
future, about to be turned into the world, soured 
by penury, and what they call the ingratitude of 
the public ; involved in debts without one far- 
thing of money to carry them home, after having 
spent the flower of their days, and many of them 
their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and 
independence of their country, and having suffer- 
ed every thing which human nature is capable of 
enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when 
I reflect on these irritable circumstances, I cannot 
avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow, 
of a very serious and distressing nature. 

" I wish not to heighten the shades of the pic- 
ture so far as the real liie would justify me in do- 
ing, or I would give anecdotes of patriotism and 
distress, which have scarcely ever been paralleled, 
never surpassed, in the history of mankind. But 
you may rely upon it ; the patience and long suffer- 
ance of this army are almost exhausted, and there 
never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this 
instant. While in the field, it may be kept from 
breaking out into acts of outrage ; but when we re- 
tire into winter quarters, unless the storm be pre- 
viously dissipated, I cannot be at ease respecting 

the consequences. It is high time for a peace." 
26 



J.94 TJ1L, LIFE Ut 

These apprehensions were well founded. To 
watch the discontents of his troops, the American 
chief continued in camp after they had retired in- 
to winter quarters, though there was no prospect 
of any military operation which might require his 
presence. Soon after their retirement, the officers 
presented a petition to Congress respecting their 
pay, and deputed a committee of their body to so- 
licit their interests while under consideration.* 

Nothing had been decided on the claims of the 
army, when intelligence, in March, 1733, arrived, 
that preliminary and eventual articles of peace 
between the United States and Great Britain had 
been signed on the 30th. of the preceding Novem- 
ber, in which the independence of the United 
States was amply recognised. In the general joy 
excited by this event, the army partook ; but one 
unpleasant idea mingled itself with their exul- 
tations. They suspected that as justice had not 
been done to them while their services were indis- 
pensable, they would be less likely to obtain it 
when they ceased to be necessary. Their fears on 
this account were increased by a letter which about 
the same time was received from their committee 
in Philadelphia, announcing that the objects which 
they had solicited from Congress had not yet been 

See the Appendix for this petition 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



195 



obtained. Smarting as they were under past suf- 
ferings, and present wants, their exasperation be- 
came violent and almost universal. While they 
were brooding over their gloomy prospects, and 
provoked at the apparent neglect with which they 
had been treated, an anonymous paper was circu- 
lated, proposing a meeting of the General and 
Field Officers on the next day. The avowed ob- 
ject of this meeting was to consider the late letter 
from their committee with Congress, and what 
measures should be adopted to obtain that redress 
of grievances which they seemed to have solicited 
in vain. On the same day the following address 
was privately circulated. 

"TO THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY. 

"Gentlemen, 
" A fellow soldier, whose interest and affections bind liim strongly to 
you ; wliose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fortune 
may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you Age has 
its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions to advise ; but though 
unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain language of sin- 
cerity and experience, will neither be unheard nor unregarded. Like 
many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. He left it, 
determined to retire from the field with the necessity that called him to 
it, and not till then ; not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of 
power, and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon their 
schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in arms as she has been 
humble in remonstrance. With this object in view, he has long shared 
in your toils, and mingled in your dangers ; he has felt the cold hand of 
poverty withouta murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without 
a sigh. But, too much under the direction of bis wishes, and sometimes 
weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, lie has, till lately, very lately, 
believed in the justice of his country. He hoped, that as the clouds of 
adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune 
broke in upon us. the coldness and severity of government would relax, 
and that, more than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those 



196 THE LIFE OF 

hands which had upheld her in the darkest stages oi' her passage, from 
impending servitude t<> acknowledged independence. But faith has its 

limits, as well as temper ; and there are points beyond which neither 
ran be stretched, without sinking into cowardice, or plunging into cre- 
dulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurried to 
tke very verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever. To be 
tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon you, is more than 
weakness; but to look up for kinder usage, without one manly effort of 
your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you 
deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take 
a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence car- 
rv our thoughts forward for a moment, into the unexplored field of ex- 
pedient. 

" After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set 
out is at length brought within our reach ! Yes, mv friends, that suffer- 
ing courage of y ours, was active once; it has conducted the United 
States of America through a doubtful and a bloody war! It has placed 
her in the chair of independency, and peace returns again to bless — 
whom ? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, 
and reward your services; a country courting your return to private 
life, with tears of gratitude, and smiles of admiration ; longing to divide 
with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those 
riches which your wounds have preserved ? Is this the case ? or is it 
rather, a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, 
and insults your distresses ? Have you not, more than once, suggested 
your wishes, and made known your wants to Congress ? Wants and 
wishes which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than 
evaded. And have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating 
memorial, begged from their justice, what you would no longer expect 
from their favour ! How have you been answered ? Let the letter which 
you are called to consider tomorrow, make reply . 

" If this, then, he your treatment, while the swords you wear are 
necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from 
peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by 
division ? 

" When these very swords, the instruments and companions of your 
glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military 
distinction left, but your wants, infirmities, and sears? ! can you then 
consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and retiring from the 
field, crow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you con- 
sent to wad- through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the misera- 
ble remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in 
honour > If you can, go ; and carry with you the jest of tories, and 
the scorn of whigs ; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the 
world ! Go, starve, and be forgotten ! But if your spirit should revolt at 
this ; if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose 
tyranny, under whatever garb it may assume ; whether it be the plain 
coat of republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty ; if you have j el 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



197 



learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and 
principles; awake ! attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If 
the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain ; and jour 
threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now. I would advise 
you, therefore, to come to some final opinion, upon what you can bear, 
and what you will suffer If } our determination be in any proportion to 
your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of gov- 
ernment ; change the milk and \ ater style of your last memorial ; as- 
sume a bolder tone ; decent, but lively, spirited, and determined ; and 
suspect the man who would advise to mere moderation and longer for- 
bearance. Let two or three men, w ho can feel as well as write, lie ap- 
pointed to draw up your' last remonstrance; for I would no longer give 
it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial Let it be repre- 
sented, in language that will neither dishonour you by its rudeness, nor 
betray you by its fears, what has been promised by Congress, and what 
has been performed ; how long and how patiently you have suffered ; 
how little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. 
Tell them that though you were the first, and would wish to be the last, 
to encounter danger; though despair itself can never drive you into dis- 
honour, it may drive you from the field ; that the wound often irritated, 
and never healed, may at length become incurable ; and that the slight- 
est mark of indignity from Congress now, must operate like the grave, 
and part you for ever ; that in any political event, the army has its al- 
ternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but 
death ; if war, that courting the auspices and inviting the directions of 
your illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile 
in your turn, and " mock when their fear cometh on." But let it rep. 
resent also, that should they comply with the request of your Sate me- 
morial, it would make you more happy, and them more respectable ; 
that while the war should continue, you would follow their standard 
into the field ; and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into 
the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder 
and applause ; an army victorious over its enemies, victorious over it- 
self." [Anonymous.] 



This artful address found in almost every bo- 
som such congenial sentiments, as prepared the 
way for its favourable reception. It operated like 
a torch on combustible materials. The passions 
of the army quickly caught the flame it was well 
calculated to excite. Every appearance threaten- 
ed that the proposed convention of the officers 



198 



THE LIFE OK 



would produce an explosion which might tarnish 
the reputation of the army, disturb the peace of 
the country, and, under certain circumstances, 
most probably terminate in the subversion of the 
recent liberties of the new formed states. 

Accustomed, as Washington had been, to emer- 
gencies of great delicacy and difficulty, yet none 
had occurred, which called more pressingly than 
the present, for the utmost exertion of all his pow- 
ers. He knew well that it was much easier to 
avoid intemperate measures than to recede from 
them after they had been adopted. He therefore 
considered it as a matter of the last importance, 
to prevent the meeting of the officers on the suc- 
ceeding day, as proposed in the anonymous sum- 
mons. The sensibilities of the army were too 
high to admit of this being forbidden by authority, 
as a violation of discipline ; but the end was an- 
swered in another way, and without irritation. 
The commander in chief, in general orders, notic- 
ed the anonymous summons, as a disorderly pro- 
ceeding, not to be countenanced ; and the more 
effectually to divert the officers from paying any 
attention to it, he requested them to meet for the 
same nominal purpose, but on a day four days 
subsequent to the one proposed by the anonymous 
addresser. The intervening period was improved 
in preparing the officers for the adoption of mod- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199 

erate measures. Gen. Washington sent for one 
officer after another, and enlarged in private on the 
fatal consequences, and particularly the loss of 
character, which would result from the adoption 
of intemperate resolutions. His whole personal 
influence was excited to calm the prevailing agita- 
tion. When the officers assembled, their venera- 
ble chief preparing to address them, found his eye- 
sight to fail him, on which he observed, " My 
eyes have grown dim in my country's service, but 
I never doubted of its justice ;" and then proceed- 
ed as follows ; 

" GCNTLEMEN, 

" By an anonymous summons, an attempt has 
been made to convene you together. How in- 
consistent with the rules of propriety, how unmili- 
tary, and how subversive of all order and disci- 
pline, let the good sense of the army decide. 

" In the moment of this summons, another anon- 
ymous production was sent into circulation, ad- 
dressed more to the feelings and passions than to 
the reason and judgment of the army. The au- 
thor of the piece is entitled to much credit for the 
goodness of his pen ; and I could wish he had as 
much credit for the rectitude of his heart ; for, as 
men see through different optics, and are induced, 
by the reflecting faculties of the mind, to use dif- 
ferent means to attain the same end, the author of 



200 THE LIFE CH 

the address should have had more charity than to 
mark for suspicion, the man who should recom- 
mend moderation and longer forbearance ; or, in 
other words, who should not think as he thinks, 
and act as he advises. But he had another plan 
in view, in which candour and liberality of senti- 
ment, regard to justice, and love of country, have 
no part ; and he was right to insinuate the dark- 
est suspicion to effect the blackest design. That 
the address is drawn with great art, and is design- 
ed to answer the most insidious purposes ; that it 
is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of 
premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of 
the United States, and rouse all those resentments 
which must unavoidably flow from such a belief; 
that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he 
may be, intended to take advantage of the pas- 
sions, while they were warmed by the recollection 
of past distresses, without giving time for cool, 
deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind 
which is so necessary to give dignity and stability 
to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the mode 
of conducting the business, to need other proof 
than a reference to the proceeding. Thus much, 
gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to 
observe to you, to show upon what principles 
opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which 
was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last. 



; 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201 

and not because I wanted a disposition to give you 
every opportunity, consistent with your own hon- 
our and the dignity of the army, to make known 
your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has 
not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful 
friend to the army, my declaration of it at this 
time would be equally unavailing and improper. 
But as I was among the first who embarked in 
the cause of our common country ; as I have nev- 
er left vour side one moment, but when called 
from you on public duty ; as I have been the 
constant companion and witness of your distress- 
es, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge 
your merits ; as I have ever considered my own 
military reputation as inseparably connected with 
that of the army ; as my heart has ever expanded 
with joy when I have heard its praises, and my 
indignation has arisen when the mouth of detrac- 
tion has been opened against it, it can scarcely be 
supposed, at this late stage of the war, that I am 
indifferent to its interests. But how are they to 
be promoted ? The way is plain, says the anony- 
mous addresser. If war continues, remove into 
the unsettled country ; there establish yourselves, 
and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself. 
But who are they to defend ? Our wives, our chil- 
dren, our farms, and other property, which we 
leave behind us ? Or, in this state of hostile sep- 
27 



202 



THK LT] 



aration, are we to take the two first, the latter can- 
not be removed, to perish in a wilderness, with 
hunger, cold, and nakedness ? If peace takes place, 
never sheath your swords, says he, until you have 
obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful 
alternative of either deserting: our country in the 
cxtremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms 
against it, which is the apparent object, unless 
Congress can be compelled into instant compli- 
ance, has something so shocking in it, that hu- 
manity revolts at the idea. My God ! what can 
this writer have in view, by recommending such 
measures ? Can he be a friend to the army ? Can 
he be a friend to this country ? Rather is he not 
an insidious foe ? some emissary, perhaps, from 
New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing 
the seeds of discord and separation between the 
civil and military powers of the continent? And 
what a compliment does he pay to our understand- 
ings, when he recommends measures, in either 
alternative, impracticable in their nature ? But 
here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because 
it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reas- 
ons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to 
your conception to suppose you stood in need of 
them. A moment's reflection will convince eve- 
ry dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility 
of carrying either proposal into execution. There 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203 

might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my tak- 
ing- notice in this address to you, of an anonymous 
production ; but the manner in which that per- 
formance has been introduced to the army, the 
effect it was intended to have, together with some 
other circumstances, will amply justify my obser- 
vations on the tendency of that writing. With 
respect to the advice given by the author, to sus- 
pect the man who shall recommend moderate 
measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as ev- 
ery man who regards that liberty and reveres that 
justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must ; 
for, if men are to be precluded from offering their 
sentiments on a matter which may involve the 
most serious and alarming consequences that can 
invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of 
no use to us. The freedom of speech may be 
taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, 
like sheep, to the slaughter. I cannot in justice 
to my own belief, and what I have great reason to 
conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude 
this address, without giving it as my decided opin- 
ion, that that honourable body entertain exalted 
sentiments of the services of the army, and from 
a full conviction of its merits and sufferings will 
do it complete justice ; that their endeavours to 
discover and establish funds for this purpose, has 
been unwearied, and will not cease till they have 



204 



THE LIFK OF 



succeeded, I have not a doubt. But like all other 
large bodies, where there is a variety of different 
interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. 
Why then should we distrust them ? and in con- 
sequence of that distrust, adopt measures which 
may cast a shade over that glory which has been 
so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of 
an army which is celebrated through all Europe 
for its fortitude and patriotism ? And, for what is 
this done ? To bring the object we seek nearer ? 
No ; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it 
at a greater distance. For myself, and I take no 
merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it 
from principles of gratitude, veracity, and jus- 
tice ; a grateful sense of the confidence you have 
ever placed in me ; a recollection of the cheerful 
assistance, and prompt obedience I have experi- 
enced from you, under every vicissitude of for- 
tune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army I 
have so long had the honour to command, will 
oblige me to declare in this public and solemn 
manner, that in the attainment of complete justice 
for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratifica- 
tion of every wish, so far as may be done consist- 
ently with the great duty I owe my country, and 
those powers we are bound to respect, you may 
freely command my services to the utmost extent 
of my abilities. While I give you these assuran- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



205 



ces, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal 
manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed 
of m your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, 
on your part, not to take any measure, which, 
viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the 
dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto main- 
tained ; let me request you to rely on the plight- 
ed faith of your country, and place a full confi- 
dence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, 
that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they 
will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, 
as directed in the resolutions which were publish- 
ed to you two days ago ; and that they will adopt 
the most effectual measures in their power to ren- 
der ample justice to you, for your faithful and 
meritorious services. And let me conjure you in 
the name of our common country, as you value 
your own sacred honour, as you respect the rights 
of humanity, and as you regard the military and 
national character of America, to express your ut- 
most horror and detestation of the man who wish. 
es, under any specious pretences, to overturn the 
liberties of our country, and who wickedly at- 
tempts to open the floodgates of civil discord, and 
deluge our rising empire in blood. 

" By thus determining and thus acting, you 
will pursue the plain and direct road to the attain- 
ment of your wishes ; you will defeat the insidi- 



206 THE LIFE OF 

ous designs of our enemies, who are compelled 
to resort from open force to secret artifice. You 
will give one more distinguished proof of unex- 
ampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising supe- 
rior to the pressure of the most complicated suf- 
ferings ; and you will, by the dignity of your con- 
duct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when 
speaking of the glorious example you have exhib- 
ited to mankind, ' Had this day been wanting, 
the world had never seen the last stage of perfec- 
tion to which human nature is capable of attain- 
ing." 

The address being ended, Washington with- 
drew. No person was hardy enough to oppose 
the advice he had given.* The impression made 
by his address was irresistible. The happy mo- 
ment was seized. While the minds of the offi- 
cers, softened by the eloquence of their beloved 
commander, were in a yielding state, a resolution 
was offered and adopted, in which they assured 
him " that they reciprocated his affectionate ex- 
pressions with the greatest sincerity of which the 
heart was capable." Before they dispersed, they 

* "It was happy for tlie army and country, tliat when his Excellen- 
cy had finished and withdrawn, no one rose and observed, ' That (icn- 
eral Washington was about to quit the military line laden with honour, 
and that he had a considerable estate to support him with dignity, but 
that their case was very different.' Had such ideas been thrown out, 
and properly enlarged upon, the meeting would probably have conclud- 
ed very differently." Gordon's History, vol. 4, p. 357. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



207 



unanimously adopted several other resolutions, in 
which they declared, " That no circumstance of 
distress or danger should induce a conduct that 
might tend to sully the reputation and glory they 
had acquired at the price of their blood and eight 
years faithful service ; that they continued to have 
an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress 
and their country ; that they viewed with abhor- 
rence, and rejected with disdain, the infamous 
proposition contained in a late anonymous address 
to the officers of the army." 

The storm which had been long gathering, was 
suddenly dissipated. The army acquired addi- 
tional reputation, and the commander in chief 
gave a new proof of the goodness of his heart, and 
the soundness of his judgment. Perhaps in no in- 
stance did the United States receive from heaven 
a more signal deliverance through the hands of 
Washington, than in the happy termination of this 
serious transaction. If ambition had possessed a 
single corner of his heart, the opportunity was too 
favourable, the temptation too splendid, to have 
been resisted. But his soul was superior to such 
views, and his love of country so ardent, and at 
the same time so pure, that the charms of power, 
though recommended by the imposing appearance 
of procuring justice for his unrewarded army, 
made no impression on his unshaken mind. He 



; 208 THE LIFE OF 

viewed the character of a patriot as superior to 
that of a sovereign. To be elevated to supreme 
power, was less in his esteem than to be a good 
man. 

Instead of turning the discontents of an unpaid 
army to his own aggrandizement, he improved the 
late events to stimulate Congress to do them jus- 
tice. H.s letter to their President on this occasion 
was as follows. 
\n, 

" The result of the proceedings of the grand 
convention of the officers, which I have the hon- 
our of enclosing to your excellency for the inspec- 
tion of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be consid- 
ered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which 
could have been given, by men who aspired to the 
distinction of a patriot army ; and will not only 
confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase 
their title to the gratitude of their country. Hav- 
ing seen the proceedings on the part of the army 
terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a man- 
ner entirely consonant to my wishes ; being im- 
pressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection 
for those who have so long, so patiently, and so 
cheerfully suffered and fought under my immedi- 
ate direction ; having from motives of justice, du- 
ty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as 
an advocate for their rights ; and, having been re 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209 

quested to write to your excellency, earnestly en- 
treating the most speedy decision of Congress up- 
on the subjects of the late address from the army 
to that honourable body ; it now only remains for 
me to perform the task I have assumed, and to 
intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the 
sovereign power will be pleased to verify the pre- 
dictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence 
the army have reposed in, the justice of their coun- 
try. And here I humbly conceive it is altogether 
unnecessary, while I am pleading the cause of an 
army which have done and suffered more than any 
other army ever did in the defence of the rights 
and liberties of human nature, to expatiate on their 
claims to the most ample compensation for their 
meritorious services, because they are known per- 
fectly to the whole world, and because, although the 
topics are inexhaustible, enough has already been 
said on the subject. To prove these assertions, 
to evince that my sentiments have ever been uni- 
form, and to show what my ideas of the rewards 
in question have always been, I appeal to the arch- 
ives of Congress, and call on those sacred depos- 
ites to witness for me. And in order that my ob- 
servations and arguments in favour of a future ad- 
equate provision for the officers of the army may 
be brought to remembrance again, and considered 
in a single point of view, without giving Congress 
28 



210 111K LIFE OF 

the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will 
beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a 
representation made by me to a committee of 
Congress, so long ago as the 29th. of January, 
1778, and also the transcript of a letter to the 
President of Congress, dated near Pasaic Falls, 
October 11th. 1780. 

" That in the critical and perilous moment when 
the last mentioned communication was made, 
there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the 
army would have taken place, unless measures 
similar to those recommended had been adopted, 
will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the 
resolution granting half pay for life has been at- 
tended with all the happy consequences I had fore- 
told, so far as respected the good of the service, 
let the astonishing contrast between the state of 
the army at this instant, and at the former period, 
determine. And that the establishment of funds, 
and security of the payment of all the just de- 
mands of the army, will be the most certain means 
of preserving the national faith, and future tran- 
quillity of this extensive continent, is my decided 
opinion. 

" By the preceding remarks it will readily be 
imagined, that instead of retracting and repre- 
hending, from farther experience and reflection, 
the mode of compensation so strenuously urged 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



211 



in the enclosures, I am more and more confirmed 
in the sentiment ; and if in the wrong, suffer me 
to please myself with the grateful delusion. 

" For if, beside the simple payment of their 
wages, a farther compensation is not due to the 
sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have 
I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have 
not merited whatever a grateful people can be- 
stow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and 
built opinion on the basis of error. If this coun- 
try should not in the event perform every thing 
which has been requested in the late memorial to 
Congress, then will my belief become vain, and 
the hope that has been excited, void of foundation. 
And if, as has been suggested for the purpose of 
inflaming their passions, the officers of the army 
are to be the only sufferers by this revolution ; 
' if retiring from the field they are to grow old in 
poverty, wretchedness, and contempt ; if they are 
to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and 
owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, 
which has hitherto been spent in honour ;' then 
shall I have learned what ingratitu de is ; then shall 
I have realized a tale which will embitter every 
moment of my future life. 

"But I am under no such apprehensions ; a coum 
try rescued by their arms from impending ruin, 
will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude, 



212 TIFF. LIFE OF 

" Should any intemperate or improper warmth 
have mingled itself amongst the foregoing obser- 
vations, I must entreat your Excellency and Con- 
gress, it may be attributed to the effusion of an 
honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my pe- 
culiar situation may be my apology ; and I hope 
I need not on this momentous occasion make any 
new protestations of personal disinterestedness, 
having ever renounced for myself the idea of pe- 
cuniary reward. The consciousness of having at- 
tempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the 
approbation of my country, will be a sufficient rec- 
ompense for my services. 

" I have the honour to be, &c. &c. 

" GEO : WASHINGTON. 

" His Excellency the President in Congress." 

This energetic letter, connected with recent 
events, induced Congress to decide on the claims 
of the army. These were liquidated, and the 
amount acknowledged to be due from the United 
States. 

Soon after these events, intelligence of a gener- 
al peace was received. The reduction of the ar- 
my was therefore resolved upon, but the mode of 
effecting it required deliberation. To avoid the 
inconveniences of dismissing a great number of 
soldiers in a body, furloughs were freely granted 
on the application of individuals, and after their 



GE0RGK WASHINGTON. 213 

dispersion, they were not enjoined to return. By 
this arrangement a critical moment was got over. 
A great part of an unpaid army was dispersed over 
the states without tumult or disorder. 

While the veterans serving under the immedi- 
ate eye of their beloved commander in chief, man- 
ifested the utmost good temper and conduct, a 
mutinous disposition broke out among some new 
levies stationed at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. 
About eighty of this description marched in a 
body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by- 
some other troops, so as to amount in the whole to 
three hundred. They marched with fixed bayo- 
nets to the state house, in which Congress and the 
state executive council held their sessions. They 
placed guards at every door, and threatened the 
president and council of the state with letting loose 
an enraged soldiery upon them, unless they grant- 
ed their demands in twenty minutes. As soon as 
this outrage was known to Washington, he de- 
tached Gen. Howe with a competent force to sup- 
press the mutiny. This was effected without 
bloodshed before his arrival. The mutineers were 
too inconsiderable to commit extensive mischief; 
but their disgraceful conduct excited the greatest 
indignation in the breast of the commander in 
chief, which was expressed in a letter to the pres- 
ident of Congress in the following words. " While 



214 



THE LIFE OF 



I suffer the most poignant distress in observing 
that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, 
and equally so in point of service, if the veteran 
troops from the southward have not been seduced 
by their example, and who are not worthy to be 
called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and 
their country as the Pennsylvania mutineers have 
done, by insulting the sovereign authority of the 
United States, and that of their own, I feel an in- 
expressible satisfaction that even this behaviour 
cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. 
It cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonour on, 
the army at large ; but on the contrary, it will, by 
the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public 
view the other troops in the most advantageous 
point of light. Upon taking all the circumstan- 
ces into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express 
my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the 
folly, and the wickedness, of the mutineers ; nor 
can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery, 
and patriotism, which must for ever signalize the 
unsullied character of the other corps of our ar- 
my. For when we consider that these Pennsyl- 
vania levies who have now mutinied are recruits 
and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat 
and burden of the war, and who can have in reali- 
ty very few hardships to complain of; and when 
we at the same time recollect that those soldiers 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



215 



who have lately been furloughed from this army, 
are the veterans who have patiently endured hun- 
ger, nakedness, and cold ; who have suffered and 
bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect 
good order, have retired to their homes without a 
settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money 
in their pockets ; we shall be as much astonished 
at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck with 
detestation at the proceedings of the former." 

While arrangements were making for the final 
dismission of the army, Gen. Washington was 
looking forward with anxiety to the future desti- 
nies of the United States. Much of his attention 
was devoted to a serious consideration of such es- 
tablishments as the independence of his country 
required. On these subjects, he freely communi- 
cated with Congress, and recommended that great 
diligence should be used in forming a well regu- 
lated and disciplined militia during peace, as the 
best means for securing the future tranquillity and 
respectability of the nation. He also addressed 
the following circular letter to the Governors of 
each of the States. 

« HEAD QUARTERS, Newbargh, June 18, 178.3. 
« SIR, 

" The object for which I had the honour to hold 
an appointment in the service of my country, be- 
ing accomplished, I am now preparing to resign 



216 THE LIFE 01 

it into the hands of Congress, and return to that 
domestic retirement, which, it is well known, I 
left with the greatest reluctance ; a retirement for 
which I have never ceased to sigh through a long 
and painful absence, in which, remote from the 
noise and trouble of the world, I meditate to pass 
the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed re- 
pose ; but, before I carry this resolution into ef- 
fect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make 
this my last official communication, to congratu- 
late you on the glorious events which heaven has 
been pleased to produce in our favour ; to offer 
my sentiments respecting some important subjects, 
which appear to me to be intimately connected 
with the tranquillity of the United States ; to take 
my leave of your excellency as a public charac- 
ter; and to give my final blessing to that country, 
in whose service I have spent the prime of my 
life ; for whose sake I have consumed so many 
anxious days and watchful nights, and whose hap- 
piness, being extremely dear to me, will always 
constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. 

" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this 
pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of 
dilating the more copiously on the subject of our 
mutual felicitation. When we consider the mag- 
nitude of the prize we contended for, the doubt- 
ful nature of the contest, and the favourable man- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



217 



ner in which it has terminated ; we shall find the 
greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoic- 
ing. This is a theme that will afford infinite de- 
light to every benevolent and liberal mind, wheth- 
er the event in contemplation be considered as a 
source of present enjoyment, or the parent of fu- 
ture happiness ; and we shall have equal occasion 
to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence 
has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a 
political, or moral point of light. 

" The citizens of America, placed in the most 
enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprie- 
tors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all 
the various soils and climates of the world, and 
abounding with all the necessaries and convenien- 
ces of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacifi- 
cation, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute 
freedom and independency ; they are from this pe- 
riod to be considered as the actors on a most con- 
spicuous theutre, which seems to be peculiarly de- 
signed by Providence for the display of human 
greatness and felicity. Here they are not only 
surrounded with every thing that can contribute to 
the completion of private and domestic enjoyment ; 
but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by 
giving a surer opportunity for political happiness, 
than any other nation h.isever been favoured with. 

Nothing can illustrate these observations more forc- 
29 



218 THE LIFE (IF 

ibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture 
of times and circumstances, under which our re- 
public assumed its rank among the nations. The 
foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy 
age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epocha 
when the rights of mankind were better under- 
stood and more clearly defined, than at any former 
period. Researches of the human mind after so- 
cial happiness have been carried to a great extent ; 
the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours 
of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a 
long succession of years, are laid open for us, and 
their collected wisdom may be happily applied in 
the establishment of our forms of government. 
The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded ex- 
tension of commerce, the progressive refinement 
of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment ; 
and, above all, the pure and benign light of rev- 
elation, have had a meliorating influence on man- 
kind, and increased the blessings of society. At 
this auspicious period, the United States came in- 
to existence as a nation ; and if their citizens should 
not be completely free and happy, the fault will be 
entirely their own. 

" Such is our situation, and such are our pros- 
pects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is 
thus reached out to us ; notwithstanding happiness 
is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the oc- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



219 



casion, and make it our own ; yet it appears to 
me there is an option still left to the United States 
of America, whether they will be respectable and 
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a 
nation. This is the time of their political proba- 
tion ; this is the moment when the eyes of the 
whole world are turned upon them ; this is the 
time to establish or ruin their national character 
for ever ; this is the favourable moment to give 
such a tone to the federal government, as will en- 
able it to answer the ends of its institution ; or, 
this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the 
powers of the union, annihilating the cement of 
the confederation, and exposing us to become the 
sport of European politics, which may play one 
state against another, to prevent their growing im- 
portance, and to serve their own interested purpo- 
ses. For, according to the system of policy the 
states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand 
or fall ; and, by their confirmation or lapse, it is 
yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ul- 
timately be considered as a blessing or a curse ; a 
blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, 
for with our fate will the destiny of unborn mil- 
lions be involved. 

" With this conviction of the importance of the 
present crisis, silence in me would be a crime ; I 
will therefore speak to your excellency the Ian- 



220 THE LIFE OJ 

guage of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. 
I am aware, however, those who differ from me in 
p ilitical sentiments may, perhaps, remark, I am 
stepping out of the proper line of my duty ; and 
they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or osten- 
tation, what I know is alone the result of the purest 
intention. But the rectitude of my own heart, 
which disdains such unworthy motives ; the part 
I have hitherto acted in life ; the determination I 
have formed of not taking any share in public bu- 
siness hereafter; the ardent desire 1 feel, and shall 
continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private 
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise 
and liberal government, will, I flatter myself, soon- 
er or later, convince my countrymen, that I could 
have no sinister views in delivering with so little 
reserve the opinions contained in this address. 

*' There are four things which I humbly con- 
ceive are essential to the well being, I may even 
venture to say to the existence, of the United States 
as an independent power. 

" 1st. An indissoluble union of the states under 
one federal head. 

" 2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. 

t( 3dly. The adoption of a proper peace estab- 
lishment. And, 

" 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and 
friendly disposition among the people of the Unit- 



GEORUR WASHINGTON. 



221 



ed States, which will induce them to forget their 
local prejudices and policies ; to make those mu- 
tual concessions which are requisite to the gener- 
al prosperity ; and, in some instances, to sacrifice 
their individual advantages to the interest of the 
com in unity. 

" These are the pillars on which the glorious 
fabric of our independency and national character 
must be supported. Liberty is the basis ; and 
whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or over- 
turn the structure, under whatever specious pre- 
text he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest ex- 
ecration, and the severest punishment, which can 
be inflicted by his injured country. 

" Oi the three first articles I will make a few 
observations ; leaving the last to the good sense 
and serious consideration of those immediately 
concerned. 

" Under the first head, although it may not be 
necessary or proper for me in this place to enter 
into a particular disquisition of the principles of 
the union, and to take up the great question which 
has been frequently agitated, whether it be expe- 
dient and requisite for the states to delegate a larg- 
er proportion of power to Congress, or not ; yet 
it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true 
patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist 
upon the following positions. That unless the 



222 



THE LIFE OF 



states will suffer Congress to exercise those pre- 
rogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by 
the constitution, every thing must very rapidly 
tend to anarchy and confusion ; that it is indispen- 
sable to the happiness of the individual states, that 
there should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme 
power to regulate and govern the general concerns 
of the confederated republic, without which the 
union cannot be of long duration ; that there must 
be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part 
of every state with the late proposals and demands 
of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will 
ensue ; that whatever measures have a tendency 
to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or 
lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be con- 
sidered as hostile to the liberty and independency 
of America, and the authors of them treated ac- 
cordingly. And lastly, that unless we can be en- 
abled by the concurrence of the states to partici- 
pate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the 
essential benefits of civil society, under a form of 
government so free and uncorrupted, so happily 
guarded against the danger of oppression, as has 
been devised and adopted by the articles of con- 
federation, it will be a subject of regret, that so 
much blood and treasure have been lavished for 
no purpose ; that so many sufferings have been 
encountered without a compensation, and that so 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223 

many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many 
other considerations might here be adduced to 
prove, that without an entire conformity to the 
spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an indepen- 
dent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose 
to mention but one or two, which seem to me of 
the greatest importance. It is only in our united 
character, as an empire, that our independence is 
acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or 
our credit supported among foreign nations. The 
treaties of the European powers with the United 
States of America, will have no validity on a dis- 
solution of the union. We shall be left nearly in 
a state of nature ; or we may find, by our own un- 
happy experience, that there is a natural and nec- 
essary progression from the extreme of anarchy to 
the extreme of tyranny ; and that arbitrary power 
is most easily established on the ruins of liberty 
abused to licentiousness. 

" As to the second article, which respects the 
performance of public justice, Congress have, in 
their late address to the United States, almost ex- 
hausted the subject ; they have explained their 
ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations 
the states are under to render complete justice to 
all the public creditors, with so much dignity and 
energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the 
honour and independency of America can hesitate 



224 



THE LIFE (>l 



a single moment respecting the propriety of com 
plying with the just and honourable measures pro- 
posed. If their arguments do not produce con- 
viction, I know of nothing that will have greater 
influence, especially when we reflect that the sys- 
tem referred to, being the result of the collected 
wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not 
perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that 
could be devised ; and that, if it should not be 
carried into immediate execution, a national bank- 
ruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will 
take place before any different plan can possibly 
be proposed or adopted ; so pressing are the pres- 
ent circumstances, and such is the alternative now 
offered to the states. 

" The ability of the country to discharge the 
debts which have been incurred in its defence, is 
not to be doubted ; and inclination, I flatter my- 
self, will not be wanting. The path of our duty 
is plain before us ; honesty will be found, on ev- 
ery experiment, to be the best and only true pol- 
icy. Let us then, as a nation, be just ; let us ful- 
fil the public contracts which Congress had un- 
doubtedly a right to make for the purpose of car- 
rying on the war, with the same good faith we 
suppose ourselves bound to perform our private 
engagements. In the mean time, let an attention 
to the cheerful performance of their proper busi 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



225 



ness, as individuals, and as members of society, 
be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of Ameri- 
ca ; then will they strengthen the bands of govern- 
ment, and be happy under its protection. Every 
one will reap the fruit of his labours ; every one 
will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molesta- 
tion and without danger. 

" In this state of absolute freedom and perfect 
security, who will grudge to yield a very little of 
his property to support the common interests of 
society, and ensure the protection of government ? 
Who does not remember the frequent declarations 
at the commencement of the war, That we should 
be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one 
half, we could defend the remainder of our pos- 
sessions ? Where is the man to be found, who 
wishes to remain in debt, for the defence of his 
own person and property, to the exertions, the 
bravery, and the blood of others, without making 
one generous effort to pay the debt of honour and 
of gratitude ? In what part of the continent shall 
we find any man, or body of men, who would not 
blush to stand up and propose measures pur- 
posely calculated to rob the soldier of his sti- 
pend, and the public creditor of his due? And 
were it possible that such a flagrant instance of 
injustice could ever happen, would it not ex< ite 

the general indignation, and tend to bring down 
30 



226 



THE LIFE OF 



upon the authors of such measures the aggravated 
vengeance of heaven ? If, after all, a spirit of dis- 
union, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness 
should manifest itself in any of the states ; if such 
an ungracious disposition should attempt to frus- 
trate all the happy effects that might be expected 
to flow from the union ; it there should be a refu- 
sal to comply with requisitions for funds to dis- 
charge the annual interest of the public debts ; and 
if that refusal should revive all those jealousies, 
and produce all those evils, which are now happi- 
ly removed, Congress, who have in all their trans- 
actions shown a great degree of magnanimity and 
justice, will stand justified in the sight of God 
and man ! and that state alone, which puts itself 
in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the con- 
tinent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious 
councils, will be responsible for all the conse- 
quences. 

" For my own part, conscious of having acted 
while a servant of the public, in the manner I con- 
ceived best suited to promote the real interests of 
my country ; having in consequence of my fixed 
belief, in some measure pledged myself to the ar- 
my, that their country would finally do them com- 
plete and ample justice ; and not wishing to con- 
ceal any instance of my official conduct from the 
eyes of the world, I have thought proper to trans- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



227 



mit to your excellency the enclosed collection of 
papers, relative to the half pay and commutation 
granted by Congress, to the officers of the army. 
From these communications my decided senti- 
ment will be clearly comprehended, together with 
the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an 
early period, to recommend the adoption of this 
measure in the most earnest and serious manner. 
As the proceedings of Congress, the army, and 
myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opin- 
ion, sufficient information to remove the prejudi- 
ces and errors which may have been entertained 
by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing 
more than just to observe, that the resolutions of 
Congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly 
and absolutely binding upon the United States, as 
the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. 
" As to the idea which, I am informed, has in 
some instances prevailed, that the half pay and 
commutation are to be regarded merely in the odi- 
ous light of a pension, it ought to be exploded 
for ever ; that provision should be viewed, as it 
really was, a reasonable compensation offered by 
Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to 
give to officers of the army, for services then to 
be performed. It was the only means to prevent 
a total dereliction of the service. It was a part 
of their hire ; I may be allowed to say, it was the 



228 



TUB LIFE OF 



price of their blood, and of your independency. 
It is therefore more than a common debt ; it is a 
debt of honour ; it can never be considered as a 
pension, or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly 
discharged. 

" With regard to the distinction between offi- 
cers and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform 
experience of every nation of the world combined 
with our own, proves the utility and propriety of 
the discrimination. Rewards in proportion to the 
aid the public draws from them, are unquestiona- 
bly due to all its servants. In some lines, the 
soldiers hive perhaps, generally, had as ample 
compensation for their services, by the large boun- 
ties which have been paid them, as their officers 
will receive in the proposed commutation ; in oth- 
ers, if, beside the donation of land, the payment 
of arrearages of clothing and wages, in which ar- 
ticles all the component parts of the army must 
be put L upon the same footing, we take into the 
estimate the bounties many of the soldiers have re- 
ceived, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, 
which is promised to all, possibly their situation, 
every circumstance being duly consideied, will 
not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers. 
Should a farther reward, however, be judged equi- 
table, I will venture to assert, no man will enjoy 
greater satisfaction than myself, in an exemption 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



229 



from taxes for a limited time, which has been pe- 
titioned for in some instances, or any other ade- 
quate immunity or compensation granted to the 
brave defenders of their country's cause. But 
neither the adoption or rejection of this proposi- 
tion will, in any manner, affect, much less militate 
against, the act of Congress, by which they have 
offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay 
for life, which had been before promised to the of- 
ficers of the army. 

" Before I conclude the subject on public jus- 
tice, I cannot omit to mention the obligations this 
country is under to that meritorious class of vete- 
rans, the non commissioned officers and privates, 
who have been discharged for inability, in conse- 
quence of the resolution of Congress, of the :23d. 
ot April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. 
Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits 
and claims to that provision, need only to be known, 
to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf. 
Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual 
allowance, can rescue them from the most compli- 
cated misery ; and nothing could be a more mel- 
ancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those 
who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in 
the service of their country, without a shelter, 
without a friend, and without the means of ob- 
taining any of the comforts or necessaries of life, 



230 



11 IK LIFE OF 



compelled to beg their bread daily from door to 
door. Suffer me to recommend those of this de- 
scription, belonging to your state, to the warm- 
est patronage of your excellency and your legisla- 
ture. 

" It is necessary to say but a few words on the 
third topic which was proposed, and which regards 
particularly the defence of the republic ; as there 
can be little doubt but Congress will recommend 
a proper peace establishment for the United States, 
in which a due attention will be paid to the im- 
portance of placing the militia of the Union up'on 
a regular and respectable footing. If this should 
be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great 
advantage of it in the strongest terms. 

" The militia of this country must be consider- 
ed as the palladium of our security, and the first 
effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essen- . 
tial, therefore, that the same system should per* 
vade the whole ; that the formation and discipline 
of the militia of the continent should be absolute- 
ly uniform ; and that the same species of arms, 
accoutrements, and military apparatus, should be 
introduced in every part of the United States. No 
one, who has not learned it from experience, can 
conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, 
which result from a contrary system, or the vague 
arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



231 



" If, in treating of political points, a greater lat- 
itude than usual has been taken in the course of 
the address ; the importance of the crisis, and the 
magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be 
my apology. It is, however, neither my wish nor 
expectation, that the preceding observations should 
claim any regard, except so far as they shall ap- 
pear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant 
to the immutable rules of justice ; calculated to 
produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on 
whatever experience may have been acquired, by 
a long and close attention to public business. 
Here I might speak with more confidence, from 
my actual observations ; and if it would not swell 
this letter, already too prolix, beyond the bounds 
I had prescribed myself, I could demonstrate to 
every mind, open to conviction, that in less time, 
and with much less expense than has been incur- 
red, the war might have been brought to the same 
happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent 
could have been properly called forth ; that the 
distresses and disappointments which have very 
often occurred, have, in too many instances, re- 
sulted more from a want of energy in the conti- 
nental government, than a deficiency of means in 
the particular states ; that the inefficacy of the 
measures, arising from the want of an adequate 
authority in the supreme power, from a partial 



232 



THE LIFE OF 



compliance with the requisitions of Congress, in. 
some of the states, and from a failure of punctual- 
ity in others, while they tended to damp the zeal 
of those who were more willing to exert them- 
selves, served also to accumulate the expenses of 
the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans ; 
and that the discouragement occasioned by the 
complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in 
which our affairs were by this means involved, 
would have long ago produced the dissolution of 
any army, less patient, kss virtuous, and less per- 
severing, than that which I have had the honour 
to command. But while I mention those things 
which are notorious facts, as the defects of our 
federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution 
of a war, I beg it may be understood, that as I have 
ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknowledging 
the assistance and support I have derived from 
every class of citizens ; so shall I always be hap- 
py to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of 
the individual states, on many interesting occasions. 
" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to 
make known, before I surrendered up my public 
trust to those who committed it to me. The task 
is now accomplished ; I now bid adieu to your 
excellency, as the chief magistrate of your state ; 
at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the cares 
of office, and all the employments of public life. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233 

u It remains, then, to be my final and only re- 
quest, that your excellency will communicate 
these sentiments, to your legislature, at their next 
meeting ; and that they may be considered as the 
legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all oc- 
casions, to be useful to his country, and who, ev- 
en in the shade of retirement, will not fail to im- 
plore the divine benediction upon it. 

" I now make it my earnest prayer, that Cod 
would have you, and the state over which you 
preside, in his holy protection ; that he would in- 
cline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spir- 
it of subordination and obedience to government ; 
to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one 
another ; for their fellowcitizens of the United 
States at large, and particularly for their brethren 
who have served in the field ; and, finally, that 
he would most graciously be pleased to dispose 
us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean 
ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific 
temper of the mind, which were the characteris- 
tics of the divine author of our blessed religion ; 
without an humble imitation of whose example, in 
these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation. 
" I have the honour to be, 
" with much esteem and respect, 
" Sir, your excellency's most obedient, 
" and most humble servant, 

« GEO •• WASHINGTON- 
SI 



234 THE LIFE OF 

The second of November was fixed for dis- 
charging that part of the army which was engag- 
ed to serve during the war. On that day, Gen. 
Washington issued his farewell orders to the ar- 
mies of the United States in the most endearing 
language. After giving them his advice respect- 
ing their future conduct, and imploring the choic- 
est of heaven's blessings in their favour, he bade 
them an affectionate farewell.* 

On the 25th. of the same month, the British 
evacuated New York, and Gen. Washington made 
his public entry into it, where he was received 
with every mark of respect and attention. 

The hour now approached in which it became 
necessary for the American chief to take leave of 
his officers who had been endeared to him by a 
long series of common sufferings and dangers. 
This was done in a solemn manner. The officers, 
having previously assembled for the purpose, Gen. 
Washington joined them, and calling for a glass 
of wine, thus addressed them ; " With an heart 
full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. 
I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be 
as prosperous and happy as your former ones have 
been glorious and honourable." Having drank 
he added, " I cannot come to each of you, to 
take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each 

For this Address, see Appendix 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



235 



of you will come and take me by the hand." Gen. 
Knox being next, he turned to him. Incapable 
of utterance, Washington grasped his hand and 
embraced him. The officers came up successive- 
ly, and he took an affectionate leave of each of 
them. Not a word was articulated on either side. 
A majestic silence prevailed. The tear of sensi- 
bility glistened in every eye. The tenderness of 
the scene exceeded all description. When the 
last of the officers had taken his leave, Washing- 
ton left the room and passed through the corps of 
light infantry, to the place of embarkation. The 
officers followed in a solemn mute procession, with 
dejected countenances. On his entering the barge 
to cross the North River, he turned toward the 
companions of his glory, and by waving his hat, 
bid them a silent adieu. Some of them answered 
this last signal of respect and affection with tears ; 
and all of them hung upon the barge which con- 
veyed him from their sight, till they could no long- 
er distinguish in it the person of their beloved 
commander in chief. 

The army being disbanded, Washington pro- 
ceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of Congress, to 
resign his commission. On his way thither, he, 
of his own accord, delivered to the comptroller of 
accounts in Philadelphia, an account of the expen- 
diture of all the public money he had ever receiv- 



236 THE LIFE ov 

ed. This was in his own hand writing, and every 
entry was made in a very particular manner. 
Vouchers were produced for every item except 
for secret intelligence and service, which amount- 
ed to no more than l,98i/ 10s sterling. The 
whole which in the course of eight years of war, 
had passed through his hands, amounted only to 
14,479/ Ids 9cl sterling Nothing was charged or 
retained for personal services ; and actual dis- 
bursements had been managed with such econo- 
my and fidelity, that they were all covered by the 
above moderate sum. 

After accounting for all his expenditures of pub- 
lic money, secret service money for obvious reas- 
ons excepted, with all the exactness which estab- 
lished forms required from the inferior officers of 
his army, he hastened to resign into the hands of 
the fathers of his country, the powers with which 
they had invested him. This was done in a pub- 
lic audience. Congress received him as the found- 
er and guardian of the republic. While he ap- 
peared before them, they silently retraced the scenes 
of danger and distress through which they had 
passed together. They recalled to mind the bless- 
ings of freedom and peace purchased by his arm. 
They gazed wi h wonder on their fellowcitizen 
who appeared more great and worthy of esteem in 
resigning his power, than he hud done in glorious- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



237 



ly using it. Every heart was big with emotion. 
Tears of admiration and gratitude burst from ev- 
ery eye. The general sympathy was felt by the 
resigning hero, and wet his cheek with a manly 
tear. After a decent pause, he addressed Thom- 
as Mifflin, the President of Congress, in the fol- 
lowing words. 

" MR PRESIDENT, 

" The great events on which my resignation 
depended, having at length taken place, I have 
now the honour of offering my sincere congratula- 
tions to Congress, and of presenting myself before 
them to surrender into their hands the trust com- 
mitted to me, and to claim the indulgence of re- 
tiring. from the service of my country. 

" Happy in the confirmation of our indepen- 
dence and sovereignty, and pleased with the oppor- 
tunity afforded the United States of becoming a 
respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the ap- 
pointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence 
in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, 
which, however, was superseded by a confidence 
in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the 
supreme power of the union, and the patronage of 
heaven. 

" The successful termination of the war has ver- 
ified the most sanguine expectations ; and my grat- 
itude for the interposition of Providence, and the 



238 



THE LIFE OF 



assistance I have received from my countrymen, 
increases with every review of the momentous con- 
test. 

" While I repeat my obligations to the army in 
general, I should do injustice to my own feelings, 
not to acknowledge in this place, the peculiar ser- 
vices and distinguished merits of the persons who 
have been attached to my person during the war. 
It was impossible the choice of confidential officers 
to compose my family should have been more for- 
tunate. Permit me, Sir, to recommend in partic- 
ular, those who have continued in the service to 
the present moment, as worthy of the favourable 
notice and patronage of Congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close 
this last solemn act of my official life, by commend- 
ing the interests of our dearest country to the pro- 
tection of Almighty God, and those who have the 
superintendence of them to his holy keeping. 

" Having now finished the work assigned me, 
I retire from the great theatre of action ; and, bid- 
ding an affectionate farewell to this august body, 
under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer 
my commission, and take my leave of all the em- 
ployments of public life."* 

• The commission now returned to Congress, had heen received from 
iliem Shortly afteJr the commencement of hostilities. It was aciompa- 
nied with an unanimous resolution of the delegates of the United Col- 
onies, *' That they would maintain, assibt, and adhere to George 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



239 



This address being ended, Gen. Washington 
advanced and delivered his commission into the 
hands of the President of Congress, who replied 
as follows ; 

Washington, with their lives and fortunes, in the cause of American lib- 
erty." The commission, drawn by a special courfinittee, was in the iol- 
lowing words ; \ 

" The delegates of the United Colonies of Ne\r\ Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts' Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Y\ik. New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Dela- 
ware ; Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, 

" TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. 

" We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, val- 
our, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint 
you to he General, and Commander in Chief of the army of the United 
Colonies, and of all the forces now raised or to be raised by them, and 
of all others who shall voluntarily offjr their service and join the said 
army, for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hos- 
tile invasion thereof; and you are hereby vested with full power and au- 
thority, to act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service, 
d we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and sold- 
iers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in 
the exercise of their several duties. 

" And we do also enjoin and require you to be careful in exercising 
the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to 
be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and pro- 
vided with all convenient necessaries. 

" And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules 
and discipline of war, as herewith given you, and punctually to observe 
and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as you shall re- 
ceive from this, or a future Congress of these United Colonics, or com- 
mittee of Congress. 

" This commission to continue in force, until revoked by this, or a 
future Congress. 

(Signed) " PEYTON RANDOLPH, President. 

(Attest) "CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary 

" June 17th. 1775." 

At the time this commission was accepted, the United Colonies had 
no assurance of foreign assistance, and were without established govern- 
ment, arms, magazines, forts, money, trade, navy, disciplined troops, or 
experienced officers. 

At the same time they were denounced by their sovereign as in a state 
of rebellion, Washington, by accepting the command of their armies, 



240 



The life of 



" The United States in Congress assembled, re- 
ceive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the 
solemn resignation of the authorities under which 
you have led their troops with success, through a 
perilous and doubtful war. 

" Called upon by your country to defend its in- 
vaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge be- 
fore it had formed alliances, and whilst it was with- 
out friends or a government to support you. 

" You have conducted the great military contest 
with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding 
the rights of the civil power through all disasters 
and changes. You have by the love and confi- 
dence of your fellowcitizens, enabled them to dis- 
play their martial genius, and transmit their fame 
to posterity ; you have persevered till these Unit- 
ed States, aided by a magnanimous king and na- 
tion, have been enabled under a just Piovidence, 

not only subjected one of tin' largest estates in A pi erica to confiscation, 
but his life to execution. The diffidence he mowed on the occasion, 
vas not the common cant of successful candidates for promotion, nor did 
it arise from apprehensions of personal danger ; hut was the offspring of 
excessive modesty. Though willing to risk ever] thing on the contest, 
he real!} distrusted his ability to contend in regular war, with the expc- 
rienced Generals of Britain. The d"ubts and fears which for some time 
kept him iii suspense, at length yielded to a conviction of duty, and the 
earnest invitation of friends, who appreciated hi- talents more correct- 
ly than he did himself. On the event of his declining tin 1 high commis- 
sion, as was for some time expected, it was privt telj resolved to confer 
it on Gen. Ward, of Massachusetts What would have been the issue 
of the military opposition of America conducted by that much esteemed 
officer, no one can tell ; hut without invidious comparison, it ma\ he 
Sftfel) affirmed, that it could not have been more successful than under 
the auspices of Washington. 



C;lOUGE WASHINGTON. 



241 



to close the war in safety, freedom, and indepen- 
dence ; on which happy event we sincerely join 
you in congratulations. 

" Having defended the standard of liberty in 
this new world ; having taught a lesson useful to 
those who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, 
you retire from the great theatre of action with 
the blessings of your fellowcitizens ; but the glo- 
ry of your virtues will not terminate with your mil- 
itary command, it will continue to animate remot- 
est ay:es. We feel with vou our obligations to 
the army in general, and will particularly charge 
ourselves with the interest of those confidential of- 
fieers who have attended your person to this af- 
fecting moment. 

" We join you in commending the interests of 
our dearest country to the protection of Almighty 
God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and 
minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity 
afforded them of becoming a happy and respecta- 
ble nation ; and for you we address to Him our 
earnest prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fos- 
tered with all his care ; that your days may be hap- 
py as they have been illustrious, and that he will 
finally give you that reward which this world can- 
not give." 

The military services of Gen. Washington, 

which ended with this interesting day, were as 
32 



242 



THE LIFE Ol-" 



great as ever were rendered by any man to any na- 
tion. They were at the same time disinterested. 
How dear would not a mercenary man have sold 
such toils, such dangers, and above all, such suc- 
cesses ? What schemes of grandeur and of power 
would not an ambitious man have built upon the 
affections of the people and of the army ? The 
gratitude of America was so lively, that any thing 
asked by her resigning chief, would have been 
readily granted. He asked nothing for himself, his 
family, or relations ; but indirectly solicited fa- 
vours for the confidential officers who were attach- 
ed to his person. These were young gentlemen 
without fortune, who had served him in the capac- 
ity of Aids de Camp. To have omitted the op- 
portunity which then offered, of recommending 
them to their country's notice, would have argued 
a degree of insensibility in the breast of their friend. 
The only privilege distinguishing him from other 
private citizens, which the retiring Washington 
did or would receive from his grateful country, 
was a right of sending and receiving letters free of 
postage. 

The American chief, having by his own volun- 
tary act, become one of the people, hastened with 
ineffable delight to his seat at Mount Vernon, on 
the banks of the Potowmac. There, in a short 
time, the most successful General in the world, be- 
came the most diligent farmer in Virginia. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 246 

To pass suddenly from the toils of the first com- 
mission in the United States to the care of a farm ; 
to exchange the instruments of war, for the imple- 
ments of husbandry, and to become at once the 
patron and example of ingenious agriculture, would 
to most men have been a difficult task. But to 
the elevated mind of Washington, it was natural 
and delightful. From his example, let the com- 
manders of armies learn, that the fame which is 
acquired by the sword, without guilt or ambition, 
may be preserved without power or splendour in 
private life. 



244 



THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER X. 

Genera! Washington, on retiring from public life, devotes himself to 

agricultural pursuits favours inland navigation Declines offered 

emoluments from it Urges an alteration of the fundamental rules 

of the- society of the Cincinnati. . .Regrets the detects of the Federal 
system, and recommends a revisal of it .. Is appointed a member of 
the c< t'mcntal convention for that purpose, which, after hesitation, 

he accepts Is chosen President thereof. ...Is solicited to accept the 

Presidency of the United States Writes sundry letters expressive of 

the conflict in his mind, between duty and inclination Answers ap- 
plicants for offices Mis reluctance to enter on public life. 

The sensations of Washington on retiring from 
public business are thus expressed. " I feel as a 
wearied traveller must do, who, after treading ma- 
ny a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoul- 
ders, is eased of the latter, having reached the ha- 
ven to which all the former were directed, and 
from his house top is looking back and tracing 
with an eager eye, the meanders by which lie es- 
caped the quicksands and mires which lay in his 
way, and into which none but the All Powerful 
Guide and Dispenser of human events, could have 
prevented His falling. 

" I have become a private citizen on the banks 
of the Potowmac, and, under the shadow of my 
own vine and my own figtree, free from the bus- 
tle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, 
I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoy- 



(i E ORGE W A S HINGTON. 



245 



mcnts of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit 
of fame ; the statesman, whose watchful clays and 
sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to 
promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin 
of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient 
for us all ; and the courtier, who is always watch- 
ing the countenance of his prince, in the hope of 
catching a gracious smile, can have very little con- 
c ion. I have not only retired from all public 
employments, but am retiring within myself, and 
shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread 
the paths of private life with heartfelt satisfaction. 
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased 
wuli dll ; and this, my dear friend, being the or- 
der of my march, I will move gently down the 
stream of life, until 1 sleep with my fathers." 

Agriculture, which had always been the favour- 
ite employment of Washington, was now resumed 
with increasing delight The energies of his ac- 
tive mind were devoted to this first and most use- 
ful art. No improvements in the construction of 
farming utensils, no valuable experiments in hus- 
bandry, escaped his attention. He saw with re- 
gret, the miserable system of cultivation which pre- 
vailed too generally in his native country, and 
wished to introduce a better. With this view, he 
engaged in a correspondence with some of the 
distinguished agriculturists in Great Britain, par- 



246 



THE LIFE OF 



ticularly the celebrated Arthur Young. He trac- 
ed the different states of agriculture in the two 
countries, in a great degree to the following obvi- 
ous principles. In Great Britain, land was dear, 
and labour cheap. In America the reverse took 
place to such a degree, that manuring land was 
comparatively neglected, on the mistaken, short- 
sighted idea, that it was cheaper to clear and cul- 
tivate new fields, than to improve and repair such 
as were old. To this radical error, which led to 
idleness and a vagabond dispersed population, he 
opposed the whole weight of his influence. His 
example and recommendations tended to revolu- 
tionize the agriculture of his country, as his val- 
our had revolutionized its government. 

The extension of inland navigation occupied 
much of Washington's attention, at this period of 
exemption from public cares. Soon after peace 
was proclaimed, he made a tour as far west as 
Pittsburgh, and also traversed the western parts 
of New England and New York, and examined 
for himself the difficulties of bringing the trade of 
the west to different points on the Atlantic. Pos- 
sessed of an accurate knowledge of the subject, he 
corresponded with the governors of different states, 
and other influential characters. To them he 
suggested the propriety of making by public au- 
thority, an appointment of commissioners of integ- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



247 



rity and ability, whose duty it should be, after ac- 
curate examination, to ascertain the nearest, and 
best portages between such of the eastern and 
western rivers as headed near to each other, though 
they ran in opposite directions ; and also to trace 
the rivers west of the Ohio, to their sources and 
mouths, as they respectively emptied either into 
the Ohio, or the lakes of Canada, and to make an 
accurate map of the whole, with observations on 
the impediments to be overcome, and the advan- 
tages to be acquired on the completion of the 
work. 

The views of Washington in advocating the ex- 
tension of inland navigation were grand, and mag- 
nificent. He considered it as an effectual mean of 
cementing the union of the states. In his letter 
to the Governor of Virginia he observed, " I need 
not remark to you, sir, that the flanks and rear of 
the United States are possessed by other powers, 
and formidable ones too ; nor need I press the ne- 
cessity of applying the cement of interest to bind 
all parts of the union together by indissoluble 
bonds ; especially of binding that part of it which 
lies immediately west of us, to the middle states. 
For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon 
those people ; how entirely unconnected with them 
shall we be, and what troubles may we not appre- 
hend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great 



248 



THE LIFE OF 



Britain on their left, instead of throwing impedi- 
ments in their way as they do now, should hold 
out lures for their trade and alliance ? When they 
get strength, which will be sooner than most peo- 
ple conceive, what will be the consequence of their 
having formed close commercial connexions with 
both or either of those powers ? It needs not, in 
my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell." Af- 
ter stating the same thing to a member of Con- 
gress, he proceeds, " It may be asked, how we 
are to prevent this ? Happily for us the way is 
plain. Our immediate interests, as well as remote 
political advantages, point to it ; whilst a combi- 
nation of circumstances render the present time 
more favourable than any other to accomplish it. 
Extend the inland navigation of the eastern waters ; 
communicate them as near as possible with those 
which run westward ; open these to the Ohio ; 
open also such as extend from the Ohio toward 
lake Erie ; and we shall not only draw the pro- 
duce of the western settlers, but the peltry and 
fur trade of the lakes also, to our ports ; thus add- 
ing an immense increase to our exports, and bind- 
ing those people to us by a chain which never can 
be broken." 

The Virginia legislature acted on the recom- 
mendation of Gen. Washington, to the extent of 
his wishes ; and in consequence thereof, works of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



249 



the greatest utility have been nearly accomplished. 
They went one step farther, and by a legislative 
act vested in him, at the expense of the state, one 
hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the 
rivers Potowmac and James. The act for this pur- 
pose was introduced with the following preamble ; 
" Whereas it is the desire of the representatives 
of this commonwealth, to embrace every suitable 
occasion of testifying their sense of the unexam- 
pled merits of George Washington, Esq. toward 
his country ; and it is their wish in particular that 
those great works for its improvement, which, both 
as springing from the liberty which he has been 
so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged 
by his patronage, will be durable monuments of 
his glory, may be made monuments also of the 
gratitude of his country. Be it enacted, 1 ' &c. 

To the friend who conveved to Washington the 
first intelligence of this bill, he replied, " It is not 
easy for me to decide, by which my mind was 
most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the 
sixth instant, surprise or gratitude. Both were 
greater than I had words to express. The atten- 
tion and good wishes which the assembly have 
evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hun- 
dred and fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers 
Potowmac and James, is more than mere compli- 
ment. There is an unequivocal and substantial 
33 



250 



THK LTFK OF 



meaning annexed. But believe me, sir, no cir- 
cumstance has happened since I left the walks of 
public life, which has so much embarrasstd me. 
Oil the one hand, I consider this act as a noble and 
unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affec- 
tion, and disposition of my country to serve me ; 
, and I should be hurt, if by declining the accep- 
tance of it, my refusal should be construed into 
disrespect or the smallest slight upon the generous 
intention of the legislature, or that an ostentatious 
display of disinterestedness or public virtue was 
the source of refusal. 

" Onthe other hand, it is really my wish to have 
my mind and my actions, which are the result of 
reflection, as free and independent as the air, that 
I may be more at liberty to express my sentiments, 
and if necessary to suggest what may occur to me 
under the fullest conviction, that although my 
judgment may be arraigned, there will be no sus- 
picion that sinister motives had the smallest influ- 
ence in the suggestion. Not content then with 
the bare consciousness of my having, in all this 
navigation business, acted upon the clearest con- 
viction of the political importance of the measure, 
I would wish that every individual who may hear 
that it was a favourite plan of mine, may know al- 
so that I had no other motive for promoting it than 
the advantage of which I conceived it would be 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



251 



productive to the union at large, and to this state 
in particular, by cementing the eastern and wes- 
tern territory together ; at the same time, that it 
will give vigour to and increase our commerce, 
and be a convenience to our citizens. 

" How would this matter be viewed then by 
the eye of the world, and what opinion would be 

formed, when it comes to be related that G 

W n exerted himself to effect this work, 

and that G W n has received twenty 

thousand dollars, and five thousand pounds ster- 
ling of the public money as an interest therein ? 
Would not this, if I am entitled to any merit for 
the part I have performed, and without it there is 
no foundation for the act, deprive me of the princi- 
pal thing which is laudable in my conduct ? Would 
it not in some respects be considered in the same 
light as a pension ? And would not the apprehen- 
sions of this induce me to offer my sentiments in 
future with the more reluctance ? In a word, un- 
der, whatever pretence, and however customary 
these gratuities may be in other countries, should 
I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent ? 
One moment's thought of which would give me 
more pain, than I should receive pleasure from the 
product of all the tolls, was every farthing of them 
vested in me." 



252 



THE LIFE OF 



To the Governor of the state, on receiving from 
him an official copy of the aforesaid act, Washing- 
ton replied as follows ; 

" Your excellency having been pleased to trans- 
mit me a copy of the act appropriating to my ben- 
efit certain shares in the companies for opening the 
navigation of James and Potowmac rivers ; I take 
the liberty of returning to the general assembly, 
through your hands, the profound and grateful 
acknowledgments inspired by so signal a mark of 
their beneficent intentions toward me. I beg you, 
sir, to assure them that I am filled on this occasion 
with every sentiment which can flow from a heart 
warm with love to my country, sensible to every 
token of its approbation and affection, and solici- 
tous to testify in every instance a respectful sub- 
mission to its wishes. 

" With these sentiments in my bosom, I need 
not dwell on the anxiety I feel, in being obliged, 
in this instance, to decline a favour which is ren- 
dered no less flattering by the manner in which it 
is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself. In ex- 
plaining this, I pass over a comparison of my en- 
deavours in the public service, with the many hon- 
ourable testimonies of approbation which have al- 
ready so far over rated and overpaid them ; recit- 
ing one consideration only, which supersedes the 
necessity of recurring to every other. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



253 



" When I was first called to the station with 
which I was honoured during the late conflict for 
our liberties, to the diffidence which I had so 
many reasons to feel in accepting it, I thought it 
my duty to join a firm resolution to shut my hand 
against every pecuniary recompense. To this 
resolution I have invariably adhered, and from it, 
if I had the inclination, I do not consider myself 
at liberty now to depart. 

" Whilst I repeat, therefore, my fervent ac- 
knowledgments to the legislature for their very 
kind sentiments and intentions in my favour, and 
at the same time beg them to be persuaded, that 
a remembrance of this singular proof of their 
goodness toward me will never cease to cherish 
returns of the warmest affection and gratitude ; 1 
must pray that their act, so far as it has for its ob- 
ject my personal emolument, may not have its ef- 
fect ; but if it should please the general assembly 
to permit me to turn the destination of the fund 
vested in me, from my private emolument to ob- 
jects of a public nature, it will be my study in se- 
lecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude 
for the honour conferred upon me, by preferring 
such as may appear most subservient to the en- 
lightened and patriotic views of the legislature." 

The wishes suggested in this letter were sanc- 
tioned by the legislature ; and, at a subsequent 



254 



THE LIFE OF 



time, the trust was executed by conveying the 
shares to the use of a seminary of learning in the 
vicinity of each river. 

Near the close of the revolutionary war, the of- 
ficers of the American army, with a view of per- 
petuating their friendships, formed themselves in- 
to a society, to be named after the famous Roman 
patriot, Cincinnatus. At the head of their socie- 
ty, Gen. Washington was placed. By the rules of 
their institution, the honours of the society were 
to be hereditary in their respective families, and 
distinguished individuals might be admitted as hon- 
orary members for life. These circumstances, to- 
gether with the union of the officers of the army, 
gave an alarm to the community ; several individ- 
uals of which supposed that the hereditary part of 
the institution would be a germ of nobility. It 
was the usual policy of Washington to respect the 
opinions of the people, in matters indifferent, or of 
small magnitude, though he might think them mis- 
taken. Having ascertained to his own satisfaction, 
that a degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the 
people, respecting the probable tendency of this 
perpetual hereditary society, he successfully ex- 
erted his influence to new model its rules, by re- 
linquishing the hereditary principle and the power 
of adopting honorary members. The result prov- 
ed the wisdom of the measure ; for all jealousies 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



255 



of the society henceforward were done away, and 
the members thereof were received as brethren, 
by the most suspicious of their fellowcitizens. 

When Washington, at the close oi the revolu 
tionary war, became a private citizen, his coin. try 
confidently anticipated every possible blessing from 
peace, independence, and self government. But 
experience soon proved the inefficacy of existing 
systems for promoting national happiness, or pre- 
serving national dignity. Congress had neither 
the power nor the means of doing justice to pub- 
lic creditors, nor of enforcing the respect of for- 
eign nations. Gold and silver vanished ; com- 
merce languished ; property was depreciated ; 
and credit expired. The lovers of liberty and in- 
dependence began to be less sanguine in their 
hopes from the American revolution, and to fear 
that they had built a visionary fabric of govern- 
ment on the fallacious ideas of public virtue. For 
the first five or six years immediately following 
peace, the splendour which surrounded the infant 
states from their successful struggle in the cause of 
independence and self government, was daily dark- 
ening. This state of things could not be indifferent 
to Washington. He was among the first to dis- 
cover the cause, and to point out the remedy. 
The inefficient support he received while com- 
mander in chief, proved the inefficacy of the arti- 



256 THE LIFE 01' 

cles of confederation, for raising and supporting a 
requisite military force. The experience of the 
first years of peace, proved their total inadequacy 
for the purpose of national government. From 
want of vigour in the federal head, the United 
States were fast dwindling into separate sovereign- 
ties, unconnected by any bond of union, equal to 
public exigency. The private letters of Wash- 
ington at this time, show his anxiety for his coun- 
try's welfare, and his wisdom in pointing out a 
remedy for its degradation. In one of them he 
observes, " The confederation appears to me to 
be little more than a shadow without the substance, 
and Congress a nugatory body, their ordinances 
being little attended to. To me it is a solecism 
in politics ; indeed it is one of the most extraor- 
dinary things in nature, that we should confederate 
as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of 
that nation, who are the creatures of our own mak- 
ing, appointed for a limited and short duration, 
and who are amenable for every action, recallable 
at any moment, and subject to all the evils which 
they may be instrumental in producing, sufficient 
powers to order and direct the affairs of the same. 
By such policy the wheels of government are 
clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that 
high expectation which was entertained of us by 
the wondering world, are turned into astonish- 



UKORGE WASHINGTON. 



257 



ment ; and from the high ground on which we 
stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion 
and darkness. 

" That we have it in our power to become one 
of the most respectable nations upon earth, ad- 
mits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we 
would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy 
toward one another, and would keep good faith 
with the rest of the world. That our resources 
are ample and increasing, none can deny ; but while 
they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, 
we give a vital stab to public faith, and will sink 
in the eyes of Europe into contempt." 

In another, " It is one of the evils of democrat- 
ic governments, that the people, not always seeing, 
and frequently misled, must often feel before they 
are set right. But evils of this nature seldom fail 
to work their own cure. It is to be lamented, 
nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and 
that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are 
not attended to before they suffer in person, in in- 
terest, and in reputation. I am not without hopes 
that matters will soon take a favourable turn in 
the federal constitution. The discerning part of 
the community have long since seen the necessity 
of giving adequate powers to Congress for nation- 
al purposes, and those of a different description 

must yield to it ere long." 
34 



258 



THE LIFE OF 



In a letter to Mr. Jay, Gen. Washington ob- 
served ; " Your sentiments that our affairs are 
drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. 
What the event will be, is also beyond the reach 
of my foresight. We have errors to correct ; we 
have probably had too good an opinion of human 
nature in forming our confederation. Experience 
has taught us that men will not adopt and carry in- 
to execution, measures the best calculated for 
their own good, without the intervention of coer- 
cive power. I do not conceive we can subsist 
long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a 
power which will pervade the whole union in as 
energetic a manner, as the authority of the state 
governments extends over the several states. To 
be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as 
that body is, with ample authorities for national 
purposes, appears to me the very climax of popu- 
lar absurdity and madness. Could Congress ex- 
ert them for the detriment of the people, without 
injuring themselves in an equal or greater propor- 
tion ? Are not their interests inseparably connect- 
ed with those of their constituents ? By the rota- 
tion of appointment, must they not mingle fre- 
quently with the mass of citizens ? Is it not rather 
to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the 
powers before described, that the individual mem- 
hers would be induced to use them on manv oc- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259 

casions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of 
losing their popularity and future election ? We 
must take human nature as we find it ; perfection 
falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of 
opinion, that Congress have too frequently made 
use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition, in 
applications to the states, when they had a right to 
assert their imperial dignity, and command obe- 
dience. Be that its it may, requisitions are a per- 
fect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent, 
disunited states, are in the habit of discussing, and 
refusing or complying with thtm at their option. 
Requisitions are actually little better than a jest 
and a byeword throughout the land. If you tell 
the legislatures they have violated the treaty of 
peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confed- 
eracy, they will laugh in your face. What then 
is to be done ? Things cannot go on in the same 
train for ever. It is much to be feared, as you ob- 
serve, that the better kind of people, being disgust- 
ed with these circumstances, will have their minds 
prepared for any revolution whatever. We are 
apt to run from one extreme into another. To 
anticipate and prevent disastrous contingences, 
would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. 

" What astonishing changes are a few years ca- 
pable of producing ! 1 am told that even respect- 
able characters speak of a monarchical form of gov- 



260 



THE LIFE OF 



eminent, without horror. From thinking, proceeds 
speaking ; thence to acting is often but a single 
step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! 
What a triumph for our enemies to verify their 
predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of 
despotism to find that we are incapable of govern- 
ing ourselves, and that systems founded on the 
basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and falla- 
cious ! Would to (J-od that wise measures may be 
taken in time, to avert the consequences we have 
but too much reason to apprehend." " Retired 
as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge, I 
cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet 
having happily assisted in bringing the ship into 
port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not 
my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. 

" Nor could it be expected that my sentiments 
and opinions would have much weight on the 
minds of my countrymen. They have been neg- 
lected, though given as a last legacy, in the most 
solemn manner. I had then, perhaps, some claims 
to public attentions. I consider myself as having 
none at present." 

Illumination, on the subject of enlarging the 
powers of Congress, w r as gradual. Washington, 
in his extensive correspondence and intercourse 
with the leading characters of the different states, 
urged the necessity of a radical reform in the ex- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



261 



isting system of government. The business was 
at length seriously taken up, and a proposition was 
made by Virginia, for electing deputies to a gen- 
eral convention, for the sole purpose of revising 
the federal system of government. 

While this proposition was under consideration, 
an event took place, which pointed out the propri- 
ety of its adoption. The pressure of evils in a 
great degree resulting from the imbecility of gov- 
ernment, aided by erroneous opinions, which con- 
found liberty with licentiousness, produced com- 
motions in Massachusetts, which amounted to trea- 
son and rebellion. On this occasion, Washing- 
ton expressed himself in a letter as follows ; " The 
commotions and temper of numerous bodies in 
the eastern country, present a state of things equal- 
ly to be lamented and deprecated. They exhibit 
a melancholy verification of what our transatlantic 
foes have predicted, and of another thing perhaps, 
which is still more to be regretted, and is yet 
more unaccountable, that mankind when left to 
themselves, are unfit for their own government. 
I am mortified beyond expression, when I view 
the clouds which have spread over the brightest 
morn that ever dawned upon my country. In a 
word, I am lost in amazement, when I behold 
what intrigue the interested views of desperate 
characters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor 



262 



THE LIFE OF 



part, are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the 
major part of our fellowcitizens of the union ; for 
it is hardly to be supposed, that the great body of 
the people, though they will not act, can be so 
short sighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to 
see rays of a distant sun through all this mist of 
intoxication and folly. 

" You talk, my good sir, of employing influ- 
ence to appease the present tumults in Massachu- 
setts. I know not where that influence is to be 
found, nor, if attainable, that it would be a proper 
remedy for these disorders. Influence is not gov- 
ernment. Let us have a government by which 
our lives, liberties, and properties, will be secured, 
or let us know the worst at once. Under these 
impressions, my humble opinion is, that there is 
a call for decision. Know precisely what the in- 
surgents aim at. If they have real grievances, re- 
dress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice 
of them, and your inability to do it in the present 
moment. If they have not, employ the force of 
government against them at once. If this is in- 
adequate, all will be convinced that the superstruc- 
ture is bad, or wants support. To be more ex- 
posed in the eyes of the world, and more contemp- 
tible, is hardly possible. To delay one or the oth- 
er of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one 
hand, or to give confidence on the other, and will 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 26S 

add to their numbers; for like snowballs such 
bodies increase by every movement, unless there 
is something in the way to obstruct and crumble 
them before their weight is too great and irresisti- 
ble. 

" These are my sentiments. Precedents are 
dangerous things. Let the reins of government, 
then, be braced and held with a steady hand, and 
every violation of the constitution be reprehend- 
ed. If defective, let it be amended, but not suf- 
fered to be trampled upon while it has an exist- 
ence." 

Virginia placed the name of Washington at the 
head of her delegates for the proposed convention. 
Letters poured in upon him from all sides, urging 
his acceptance of the appointment. In answer to 
one from Mr. Madison, who had been the princi- 
pal advocate of the measure in the Virginia legis- 
lature, Gen. Washington replied, " Although I 
have bid a public adieu to the public walks of life, 
and had resolved never more to tread that theatre, 
yet, if upon any occasion so interesting to the well 
being of our confederacy, it had been the wish of 
the assembly that I should be an associate in the 
business of revising the federal system, I should, 
from a sense of the obligation I am under for re- 
peated proofs of confidence in me, more than from 
any opinion I could entertain of my usefulness, 



264 THE LIFK 01 

have obeyed its call ; but it is now out of my 
power to do this with any degree of consistency. 
The cause I will mention. 

" I presume you heard, sir, that I was first ap- 
pointed, and have since been reehosen, president 
of the society of the Cincinnati ; and you may have 
understood also, that the triennial general meeting 
of this body is to be held in Philadelphia the first 
Monday in May next. Some particular reasons, 
combining with the peculiar situation of my pri- 
vate concerns, the necessity of paying attention to 
them, a wish for retirement, and relaxation from 
public cares, and rheumatic pains, which I begin 
to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st. 
ultimo, to address a circular letter to each state 
society, informing them of my intention not to be 
at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be 
reehosen president. The vice president is also 
informed of this, that the business of the society 
may not be impeded by my absence. Under 
these circumstances it will readily be perceived, 
that I could not appear at the same time and place, 
on any other occasion, without giving offence to 
a very respectable and deserving part of the com- 
munity ; the late officers of the American army.' 1 

The meeting of the convention was postponed 
to a day subsequent to that of the meeting of the 
Cincinnati. This removed one of the difficulties 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



265 



in the way of Washington's acceptance of a seat 
in the convention, and, joined with the importance 
of the call, and his own eager desire to advance 
the public interest, finally induced his compliance 
with the wishes of his friends. 

The convention met in Philadelphia, in May, 
and unanimously chose George Washington their 
president. On the 17th. of September, 1787, they 
closed their labours, and submitted the result to 
Congress, with their opinion " that it should be 
submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in 
each state by the people thereof, under the recom- 
mendation of its legislature, for their assent and 
ratification." 

By this new form of government, ample powers 
were given to Congress without the intervention 
of the states, for every purpose that national digni- 
ty, interest, or happiness, required. 

The ablest pens and most eloquent tongues 
were employed for, and against, its acceptance. 
In this animated contest, Washington took no part. 
Having with his sword vindicated the right of his 
country to self government, and having with his 
advice aided in digesting an efficient form of gov- 
ernment, which he most thoroughly approved, it 
would seem as though he wished the people to 
decide for themselves, whether to accept or re- 
ject it. 

35 



266 



the lift: of 



The constitution being accepted by eleven 
states, and preparatory measures being taken for 
bringing it into operation, all eyes were turned to 
Washington, as being the fittest man for the of- 
fice of president of the United States. His cor- 
respondents began to press his acceptance of the 
high office, as essential to the well being of his 
country. 

To those who think that Washington was like 
other men, it will scarcely appear possible, that 
supreme magistracy possessed no charms sufficient 
to tempt him from his beloved retirement, when 
he was healthy and strong, and only fifty seven 
years old ; but if an opinion can be formed of his 
real sentiments, from the tenour of his life and 
confidential communications to his most intimate 
friends, a conviction will be produced, that his 
acceptance of the Presidency of the United States 
was the result of a victory obtained by a sense of 
duty over his inclinations, and was a real sacrifice 
of the latter to the former. 

In a letter to Col. Henry Lee, Washington ob- 
serves ; " Notwithstanding my advanced season 
of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural 
amusements, and my growing love of retirement, 
augment and confirm my decided predilection for 
the character of a private citizen ; yet it will be no 
one of these motives, nor the hazard to which mv 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



26' 



former reputation might be exposed, nor the ter- 
ror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that 
would deter me from an acceptance, but a belief 
that some other person who had less pretence and 
less inclination to be excused, could execute all 
the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. To say 
more would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a re- 
fusal beforehand might incur the application of 
the fable, in which the fox is represented as un- 
dervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You 
will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observ- 
ed, and which you will be pleased to consider in 
the light of a confidential communication, that 
my inclinations will dispose and decide me to re- 
main as I am, unless a clear and insurmountable 
conviction should be impressed on my mind, that 
some very disagreeable consequences must in all 
human probability result from the indulgence of 
mv wishes." 

In a letter to Col. Hamilton, Washington ob- 
serves ; "If I am not grossly deceived in myself, 
I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, 
by giving their votes to some other person, would 
save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forc- 
ed to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am 
in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching 
out the truth, and of knowing whether there does 
not exist a probability that the government would 



268 



THE LI1K OF 



just as happily and effectually be carried into ex- 
ecution, without my aid, as with it. I am truly 
solicitous to obtain all the previous information 
which the circumstances will afford, and to deter- 
mine, when the determination can no longer be 
postponed, according to the principles of right 
reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience, 
without too great a reference to the unforeseen 
consequences which may affect my person or rep- 
utation. Until that period, I may fairly hold my- 
self open to conviction, though I allow your 
sentiments to have weight in them ; and I shall 
not pass by your arguments, without giving them 
as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly 
bestow upon them. 

" In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever 
point of light I have been able to place it, I will 
not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, 
that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my 
mind, as often as I have been taught to expect 1 
might, and perhaps, must be called upon ere long- 
to make the decision. You will, I am well assur- 
ed, believe the assertion, though I have little ex- 
pectation it would gain credit from those who are 
less acquainted with me, that if I should receive 
the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to 
accept it, the acceptance would be attended with 
more difficulty and reluctance, than I ever expe- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



269 



rienced before. It would be, however, with a fix- 
ed and sole determination of lending whatever as- 
sistance might be in my power to promote the 
public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and 
early period, my services might be dispensed 
with ; and that I might be permitted once more 
to retire, to pass an unclouded evening, after the 
stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tran- 
quillity." 

In a letter to Gen. Lincoln, Washington ob- 
serves ; " I may, however, with great sincerity, 
and I believe without offending against modesty 
and propriety, say to you, that I most heartily 
wish the choice to which you allude, might not 
fall upon me ; and that if it should, I must reserve 
to myself the right of making up my final decis- 
ion, at the last moment when it can be brought 
into one view, and when the expediency or inex- 
pediency of a refusal can be more judiciously de- 
termined, than at present. But be assured, my 
dear sir, if, from any inducement, I shall be per- 
suaded ultimately to accept, it will not be, so far 
as I know my own heart, from any of a private or 
personal nature. Every personal consideration 
conspires to rivet me, if I may use the expres- 
sion, to retirement. At my time of life, and un- 
der my circumstances, nothing in this world can 
ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction 



270 



THE LIFE OF 



that the partiality of my countrymen had made 
my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear 
that my refusal might induce a belief that I pre- 
ferred the conversation of my own reputation and 
private ease, to the good of my country. After 
all, if I should conceive myself in a manner con- 
strained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that 
this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of 
my personal feelings and wishes, that ever I have 
been called upon to make. It would be to forego 
repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble, per- 
haps for public obloquy ; for I should consider 
myself as entering upon an unexplored field, en- 
veloped on every side with clouds and darkness. 

" From this embarrassing situation, I had nat- 
urally supposed, that my declarations at the close 
of the war would have saved me, and that my sin- 
cere intentions, then publicly made known, would 
have effectually precluded me for ever afterward 
from being looked upon as a candidate for any 
office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly 
happiness in old age, I had carefully preserved, 
until the public papers and private letters from 
my correspondents in almost every quarter, taught 
me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to 
answer the question, whether I would go again 
into public life or not." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271 

In a letter to the Marquis de la Fayette, Wash- 
ington observes, " Your sentiments indeed coin- 
cide much more nearly with those of my other 
friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my 
difficulties increase and magnify as I draw toward 
the period, when, according to the common be- 
lief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive 
answer in one way or other. Should circumstan- 
ces render it in a manner inevitably necessary to 
be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, I 
shall assume the task with the most unfeigned re- 
luctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I 
shall probably receive no credit from the world. 
If I know my own heart, nothing short of a con- 
viction of duty, will induce me again to take an 
active part in public affairs. And in that case, if 
I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeav- 
ours shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the 
hazard of former fame or present popularity, to 
extricate my country from the embarrassments in 
which it is entangled through want of credit, and 
to establish a general system of policy, which, if 
pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the com- 
monwealth. I think I see a path as clear and as 
direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attain- 
ment of that object. Nothing but harmony, hon- 
esty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make 
us a great and a happy people. Happily the pres- 



272 



THE LIFE OP 



cut posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposi- 
tion of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in 
establishing those four great and essential pillars 
of public felicity." 

Before the election of a president came on, so 
universal was the expectation that Washington 
would be elected, that numerous applications were 
made to him, in anticipation for offices in the gov- 
ernment, which would be in his gift. To one of 
such applicants he wrote as follows ; " Should it 
become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the 
station in which your letter presupposes me, I 
have determined to go into it perfectly free from 
all engagements of every nature whatsoever. A 
conduct in conformity to this resolution, would en- 
able me in balancing the various pretensions of 
different candidates for appointments, to act with 
a sole reference to justice, and the public good. 
This is in substance, the answer that I have given 
to all applications, and they are not few, which 
have already been made." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



273 



CHAPTER XI. 

Washington elected President On his way to (lie scat, of government 

at New York, receives the most flattering marks of respect ....Ad- 
dresses Congress ...The situation of the United States in their foreign 

and domestic relations, at the inauguration of Washington Fills up 

public offices solely with a view to the public good I'roposes a trea- 
ty to the Creek Indians, which is at first rejected. ...Col. Willet in- 
duces the heads of the nation to come to New York, to treat tiiere. 
The North Western Indians refuse a treaty, but after defeating Gen- 
erals Harmarand Sinclair, they are defeated by Gen Wayne They 

then submit, and agree to treat A new system is introduced for me- 
liorating their condition. 

It was intended that the new government should 
have commenced its operations on the 4th. of 
March, 1789; but from accidental causes, the 
election of Gen. Washington to the Presidency 
was not officially announced to him at Mount Ver- 
non, till the 14th. of next April. This was done 
by Charles Thomson, Secretary of the late Con- 
gress, who presented to him the certificate signed 
by the president of the senate of the United States, 
stating that George Washington was unanimous- 
ly elected president. This unexpected delay was 
regretted by the public, but not by the newly elect- 
ed president. In a letter to Gen. Knox, he ob- 
served, " As to myself, the delay may be compar- 
ed to a reprieve ; for in confidence I tell you, 
that with the world it would obtain little credit, 
36 



274 



THE LIFE OF 



my movements to the chair of government will be 
accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a cul- 
prit who is going to the place of his execution ; 
so unwilling am I in the evening of life, nearly con- 
sumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode 
for an ocean of difficulties, without that competen- 
cy of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which 
are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible 
that I am embarking the voice of the people, and 
a good name of my own, on this voyage, but what 
returns will be made for them, heaven alone can 
foretell. Integrity and firmness are all l can prom- 
ise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall 
never forsake me, although I may be deserted by 
all men ; for of the consolations which are to be 
derived from these, under any circumstances, the 
world cannot deprive me." 

On the second day after receiving notice of his 

appointment, Washington set out for New York, 
.a 

On his way thither, the road was crowded with 
numbers anxious to see the man of the people. 
Escorts of militia, and of gentlemen of the first 
character and station, attended him from state to 
state, and he was every where received with the 
highest honours which a grateful and admiring 
people could confer. Addresses of congratulation 
were presented to him by the inhabitants of almost 
every place of consequence through which he pass- 



GEOttCE WASHINGTON. 



275 



ed, to all of which he returned such modest, un- 
assuming answers, as were in every respect suita- 
ble to his situation. So great were the honours 
with which he was loaded, that they could scarce- 
ly have failed to produce haughtiness in the mind 
of any ordinary man ; but nothing of the kind was 
ever discovered in this extraordinary personage. 
On all occasions he behaved to all men with the 
affability of one citizen to another. He was truly 
great in deserving the plaudits of his country, but 
much greater in not being elated by them. 

Of the numerous addresses which were present- 
ed on this occasion, one subscribed by Dennis 
Ramsay, the mayor of Alexandria, in the name of 
the people of that city, who were the neighbours of 
Mr. Washington, was particularly and universally 
admired. It was in the following words ; 

"TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES, &c. 

" Again vour country commands your care. 
Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, 
we see you again relinquishing the bliss of retire- 
ment, and this too, at a period of life when nature 
itself seems to authorize a preference of repose. 

" Not to extol your glory as a soldier ; not to 
pour forth our gratitude for past services ; not to 
acknowledge the justice of the unexampled hon- 
our which has been conferred upon you by the 



276 



TI-IK LTFK OF 



spontaneous and unanimous suffrage of three mil- 
lions of freemen, in your election to the supreme 
magistracy, nor to admire the patriotism which 
directs your conduct, do your neighbours and 
friends now address you. Themes less splendid, 
but more endearing, impress our minds. The 
lirst and best of citizens must leave us ; our aged 
must lose their ornament ; our youth their model ; 
our agriculture its improver ; our commerce its 
friend ; our infant academy its protector ; our poor 
their benefactor ; and the interior navigation of 
the Potowriiac, an event, replete with the most 
extensive utility, already by your unremitted ex- 
ertions brought into partial use, its institutor and 
promoter. 

" Farewell. Go, ar.d make a grateful people 
happy ; a people who will be doubly grateful when 
they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their in- 
terest. 

" To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at 
his will, we commend you ; and after the accom- 
plishment of the arduous business to which you 
are called, may he restore to us again the best of 
men, and the most beloved lellowcitizen." 

To this Mr. Washington returned the following 
answer ; 

« GENTLEMEN, 

" Although I ought not to conceal, yet I can- 
not describe the painful emotions which I felt, in 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277 

being called upon to determine whether I would 
accept or refuse the Presidency of the United 
States. The unanimity in the choice ; the opin- 
ion of my friends communicated from different 
parts of Europe as well as from America ; the ap- 
parent wish of those who were not entirely satisfi- 
ed with the constitution in its present form, and an 
ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental 
in connecting the good will of my countrymen to- 
ward each other, have induced an acceptance. 
Those who know me best, and you, my fellowcit- 
izens, are, from your situation, in that number, 
know better than any others, my love of retirement 
is so great, that no earthly consideration, short of 
a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon 
me to depart from my resolution ' never more to 
take any share in transactions of a public nature ;' 
for at my age, and in my circumstances, what pros- 
pects or advantages could I propose to myself 
from embarking again on the tempestuous and un- 
certain ocean of public life ? 

" I do not feel myself under the necessity of 
making public declarations in order to convince 
you, gentlemen, of my attachment to yourselves, 
and regard for your interests. The whole tenour 
of my life has been open to your inspection, and 
my past actions, rather, than my present declara- 
tions, must be the pledge of my future conduct. 



278 THE life or 

" In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely 
for the expressions of kindness contained in your 
valedictory address. It is true, just after having 
bade adieu to my domestic connexions, this ten- 
der proof of your friendship is but too well calcu- 
lated stiil further to awaken my sensibility, and in- 
crease my regret at parting from the enjoyment of 
private life. 

" All that now remains for me, is to commit 
myself and you to the protection of that beneficent 
Being, who on a former occasion hath happily 
brought us together, after a long and distressing 
separation. Perhaps the same gracious Provi- 
dence will again indulge me. Unutterable sen- 
sations must then be left to more expressive si- 
lence, while from an aching heart I bid all my af- 
fectionate friends and kind neighbours farewell." 

Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill, which Mr. 
Washington had to pass, was highly decorated with 
laurels and evergreens. At each end of it were 
erected magnificent arches, composed of laurels, 
emblematical of the ancient Roman triumphal arch- 
es, and on each side of the bridge was a laurel 
shrubbery. As Mr. Washington passed the bridge, 
a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, assisted 
by machinery, let drop above his head, though un- 
perceived by him, a civic crown of laurel. Up- 
ward of twenty thousand citizens lined the fences, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



279 



fields, and avenues, between the Schuylkill and 
Philadelphia. Through these he was conducted 
to the city by a numerous and respectable body of 
the citizens, where he partook of an elegant enter- 
tainment provided for him. The pleasures of the 
day were succeeded by a handsome display of fire- 
works in the evening. 

When Mr. Washington crossed the Delaware, 
and landed on the Jersey shore, he was saluted 
with three cheers by the inhabitants of the vicini- 
ty. When he came to the brow of the hill on his 
way to Trenton, a triumphal arch was erected on 
the bridge by the direction of the ladies of the 
place. The crown of the arch was highly orna- 
mented with laurels and flowers, and on it was dis- 
played in large figures, " December 26th. 1776." 
On the sweep of the arch beneath, was this inscrip- 
tion, ', The Defender of the Mothers will also 
protect their Daughters." On the north side were 
ranged a number of female children dressed in 
white, with garlands of flowers on their heads, and 
baskets of flowers on their arms ; in the second 
row stood the young women, and behind them the 
married ladies of the vicinity. The instant he 
passed the arch, the children began to sing the fol- 
lowing ode. 

" Welcome mighty chief! once more 
W eleome to this grateful shore. 



280 THE LIFE OF 

Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow, 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 
Virgins fair, and matrons grave, 
These thy conquering arm did save ! 
liuild for thee triumphal bowers; 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers j 
Strew your hero's way with flowers." 

As they sung the last lines, they strewed their 
flowers on the road before their beloved deliverer. 
His situation on this occasion, contrasted with what 
he had in December, 1776, felt on the same spot, 
when the affairs of America were at the lowest ebb 
of depression, filled him with sensations that can- 
not be described. He was rowed across the bay 
from Elizabethtown to New York, in an elegant 
barge, by thirteen pilots. All the vessels in the 
harbour hoisted their flags. Stairs were erected 
and decorated for his reception. On his landing, 
universal joy diffused itself through every order of 
the people, and he was received and congratulated 
by the Governor of the state, and officers of the 
corporation. He was conducted from the landing 
place to the house which had been fitted up for his 
reception, and was followed by an elegant proces- 
sion of militia in their uniforms, and by a great 
number of citizens. In the evening the houses of 
the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. 

A day was fixed soon after his arrival, for his 
taking the oath of office, which was in the follow- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 281 

ing words. " I do solemnly swear, that I will 
faithfully execute the office of President of the 
United States ; and will to the best of my ability 
preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of 
the United States." On this occasion he was whol- 
ly clothed in American manufactures. In the 
morning of the day appointed for this purpose, the 
clergy of different denominations assembled their 
congregations in their respective places of wor- 
ship, and offered up public prayers for the presi- 
dent and people of the United States. About noon 
a procession, followed by a multitude of citizens, 
moved from the president's house to Federal Hall. 
When they came within a short distance from the 
Hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the 
way, through which Mr. Washington, accompa- 
nied by the vice president, Mr. John Adams, pass- 
ed into the senate chamber. Immediately after, 
accompanied by both houses, he went into the gal- 
lery fronting Broadstreet, and before them and an 
immense concourse of citizens, took the oath pre- 
scribed by the constitution, which was adminis- 
tered by R. R. Livingston, the chancellor of the 
state of New York. An awful silence prevailed 
among the spectators during this part of the cere- 
mony. It was a minute of the most sublime po- 
litical joy. The chancellor then proclaimed him 
president of the United States. This was answer- 
37 



282 



THE LIFE OF 



ed by the discharge of thirteen guns ; and by the 
effusions of shouts from near ten thousand grateful 
and affectionate hearts. The president bowed 
most respectfully to the people, and the air resound- 
ed again with their acclamations. He then retir- 
ed to the Senate Chamber, where he made the fol- 
lowing speech to both houses. 

" Fcltoivcitizens of the Senate 
and of the 
House of Jlepre.sentatives, 

" Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no 
event could have filled me with greater anxieties 
than that of which the notification was transmitted 
by your order, and received on the 14th. day of 
the present month. On the one hand, I was sum- 
moned by my country, whose voice I can never 
hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat 
which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, 
and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable 
decision, as the asylum of my declining years ; a 
retreat which was rendered every day more neces- 
sary as well as more dear to me, by the addition 
of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions 
in my health to the gradual waste committed on it 
by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and 
difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my 
country called me, being sufficient to awaken in 
the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283 

distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could 
not but overwhelm with despondence one who, 
inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and 
unpractised in the duties of civil administration, 
ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own defi- 
ciencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare 
aver is, that it has been my faithful study to col- 
lect my duty from a just appreciation of every cir- 
cumstance by which it might be effected. All 1 
dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task, I have 
been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance 
of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibil- 
ity to this transcendent proof of the confidence of 
my fellowcitizens ; and have thence too little con- 
sulted my incapacity, as well as disinclination for 
the weighty and untried cares before me ; my 
error will be palliated by the motives which mis- 
led me, and its consequences be judged by my 
country with some share of the partiality in which 
they originated. 

" Such being the impressions under which I 
have, in obedience to the public summons, repair- 
ed to the present station ; it will be peculiarly im- 
proper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent 
supplications to that Almighty Being who rules 
over the universe ; who presides in the councils 
of nations ; and whose providential aids can sup- 
ply every human defect, that his benediction may 



284 THE LlFtt OF 

consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the peo« 
pie of the United States, a. government instituted 
by themselves for these essential purposes ; and 
may enable every instrument employed in its ad- 
ministration, to execute with success, the func- 
tions allotted to his charge. In tendering this hom- 
age to the great Author of every public and pri- 
vate good, I assure myself that it expresses your 
sentiments not less than my own ; nor those of my 
feilowcitizens at large, less than either. No peo- 
ple can be bound to acknowledge and adore the 
invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, 
more than the people of the United States. Every 
step by which they have advanced to the character 
of an independent nation seems to have been dis- 
tinguished by some token of providential agency ; 
and in the important revolution just accomplished 
in the system of their united government, the tran- 
quil deliberations and voluntary consent of so ma- 
ny distinct communities, from which the event has 
resulted, cannot be compared with the means by 
which most governments have been established, 
without some return of pious gratitude along with 
an humble anticipation of the future blessings 
which the past seem to presage. These reflec- 
tions, arising out ot the present crisis, have forced 
themselves too strongly on my mind to be sup- 
pressed. You will join with me, I trust, in think- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



285 



ing that there are none, under the influence of 
which the proceedings of a new and free govern- 
ment can more auspiciously commence. 

" By the article establishing the executive de- 
partment, it is made the duty of the president ' to 
recommend to your consideration, such measures 
as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The 
circumstances under which I now meet you will 
acquit me from entering into that subject, farther 
than to refer to the great constitutional charter un- 
der which you are assembled, and which, in defin- 
ing your powers, designates the objects to which 
your attention is to be given. It will be more 
consistent with those circumstances, and far more 
congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to 
substitute in place of a recommendation of partic- 
ular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, 
the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the 
characters selected to devise and adopt them. In 
these honourable qualifications, I behold the sur- 
est pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudi- 
ces or attachments, no separate views nor party 
animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and 
equal eye which ought to watch over this great as- 
semblage of communities and interests ; so, on 
another, that the foundations of our national poli- 
cy will be laid in the pure and immutable princi- 
ples of private morality ; and the pre-eminence of 



286 



THE LIFE OF 



free government be exemplified by all the attri- 
butes which can win the affections of its citizens, 
and command the respect of the world. I dwell 
on this prospect with every satisfaction which an 
ardent love for my country can inspire ; since there 
is no truth more thoroughly established than that 
there exists, in the economy and course of nature, 
an indissoluble union between virtue and happi- 
ness ; between duty and advantage ; between the 
genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous 
policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity 
and felicity ; since we ought to be no less per- 
suaded that the propitious smiles of heaven can 
never be expected on a nation that disregards the 
eternal rules of order and right, which heaven it- 
self has ordained ; and since the preservation of 
the sacred lire of liberty, and the destiny of the 
republican model of government, are justly con- 
sidered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on 
the experiment intrusted to the hands of the Amer- 
ican people. 

" Beside the ordinary objects submitted to your 
care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, 
how far an exercise of the occasional power dele- 
gated by the fifth article of the constitution is ren- 
dered expedient, at the present juncture, by the 
nature of objections which have been urged against 
the system, or by the degree of inquietude which 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287 

has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking 
particular recommendations on this subject, in 
which I could be guided by no lights derived 
from ofiicial opportunities, I shall again give way 
to my entire confidence in your discernment and 
pursuit of the public good ; for I assure myself, 
that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration 
which might endanger the benefits of a united and 
effective government, or which ought to await the 
future lessons of experience ; a reverence for the 
characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for 
the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your 
deliberations on the question how far the former 
can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be 
safely and advantageously promoted. 

" To the preceding observations I have one to 
add, which will be most properly addressed to the 
house of representatives. It concerns myself, and 
will therefore be as brief as possible. When I 
was first honoured with a call into the service of 
my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug- 
gle for its liberties, the light in which I contem- 
plated my duty required that I should renounce 
every pecuniary compensation. From this reso- 
lution I have in no instance departed. And being 
still under the impressions which produced it, I 
must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share 
in the personal emoluments which may be indis- 



288 



THR LIFE OF 



pensably included in a permanent provision for the 
executive department ; and must accordingly pray 
that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which 
I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, 
be limited to such actual expenditures as the pub- 
lic good may be thought to require. 

" Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, 
as they have been awakened by the occasion which 
brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; 
but not without resorting once more to the be- 
nign Parent of the human race, in humble suppli- 
cation, that since he has been pleased to favour 
the American people with opportunities for delib- 
erating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for 
deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of 
government for the security of their union, and 
the advancement of their happiness ; so his divine 
blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarg- 
ed views, the temperate consultations, and the wise 
measures on which the success of this government 
must depend." 

In their answer to this speech, the senate say ; 
" The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in 
your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the grati- 
tude, confidence, and affection of the citizens of 
America, and is the highest testimonial at once of 
your merit, and their esteem. We are sensible, 
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellowciti- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



289 



zens could have called you from a retreat, chosen 
With the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, 
and consecrated to the repose of declining years. 
We rejoice, and with us all America, that, in obe- 
dience to the call of our common country, you 
have returned once more to public life. In you 
all parties confide ; in you all interests unite ; and 
we have no doubt that your past services, great as 
they have been, will be equalled by your future 
exertions ; and that your prudence and sagacity 
as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to 
which we were exposed, to give stability to the 
present government, and dignity and splendour 
to that country, which your skill and valour as a 
soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to inde- 
pendence and to empire." 

The affection for the person and character of 
the president with which the answer of the house 
of representatives glowed, promised that between 
this branch of the legislature also and the execu- 
tive, the most harmonious co-operation in the pub- 
lic service might be expected. 

" The representatives of the people of the Unit- 
ed States," says this address, u present their con- 
gratulations on the event by which your fellowcit- 
izens have attested the pre-eminence of your mer- 
it. You have long held the first place in their es- , 
teem. You have often received tokens of liieir 
38 



299 i in: Lin. or 

affection. You now possess the only proof that 
remained of their gratitude for your services, of 
their reverence for your wisdom, and of their con- 
fidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, 
because the truest honour, ol" being the first mag- 
istrate, by the unanimous choice oi" the freest peo- 
ple on the face of the earth. 

c< We well know the anxieties with which you 
must have obeyed the summons from the repose 
reserved for your declining years, into public 
scenes of which j on had taken your leave for ev- 
er. But obedience was due to the occasion. It 
is already applauded by the universal joy which 
welcomes you to your station. And we cannot 
doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfac- 
tion with which an ardent love for your illlow.cit- 
izens must review successful efforts to promote 
their happiness. 

" This anticipation is not justified merely by the 
past experience of your signal services. It is par- 
ticularly suggested by the pious impressions under 
which you commence your administration ; and 
the enlightened maxims by which you mean to 
conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obli- 
gations to adore the invisible hand which has led 
the American people through so many difficulties ; 
to cherish a conscious responsibility for the desti- 
ny of republican liberty ; and to seek the only sure 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2 ^l 

means of preserving and i lending the prec- 

ious deposit in a system of legislation founded on 

the principles of an honest policy, and directed by 
the spirit of a diffusive patriotism. 

" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the 
executive department, we shall not lose sight of a 
wish resulting from motives which give it a pecu- 
liar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a 
moment critical to the liberties of your country, 
to renounce all personal emolument, was among 
the many presages of your patriotic services, which 
have been amply fulfilled ; and your scrupulous 
adherence now to the law then imposed on your- 
self, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst 
it increases the lustre of a character which has so 
many titles to admiration. 

" Such are the sentiments with which nre have 
thought fit to address you. They flow from our 
ow r n hearts, and we verily believe that among the 
millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citi- 
zen whose heart will disown them. 

" All that remains is, that we join in your fer- 
vent supplications for the blessing of Heaven on 
our country ; and that we add our own for the 
choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of 
her citizens." 

The president and Congress then attended on 
divine service. 



292 



THE LIFE OF 



In the evening a very ingenious and splendid 
show of fireworks was exhibited. Betwixt the 
fort and the Bowling Green stood conspicuous, a 
superb and brilliant transparent painting, in the 
centre of which was the portrait of the president, 
represented under the emblem of Fortitude ; on 
his right hand was Justice, representing the Sen- 
ate of the United States, and on his left Wisdom, 
representing the House of Representatives. 

When Washington commenced his administra- 
tion, the condition of the United States was so 
embarrassed as to excite many fears for the suc- 
cess of the new government. The treasury was 
empty. Large debts were due both by the old 
Congress and individuals to foreigners, and also 
from the United States to its own citizens, and 
from citizens to citizens. Every effort made by 
the former government to pay, or even to fund its 
debts, had failed, from the imbecility of the feder- 
al system. Great discontents prevailed in the 
United States, for the party opposed to the new 
constitution was strong and numerous. Several 
of these were elected to seats in the new Congress. 
Some were clamorous for a new convention, and 
the most moderate for amendments of what hud 
been ratified. Two states, North Carolina and 
Rhode Island, by refusing an acceptance of the 
constitution, were Without the pale of its opera- 
tions. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



293 



Animosities prevailed to a great degree between 
the United States and Great Britain. Each charg- 
ed the other with a breach of their late treaty. 
In support of these charges, one party urged the 
severities practised toward the loyalists, and that 
some of the states had interposed legal impedi- 
ments to the recovery of debts due to British sub- 
jects. The other recriminated by alleging, that 
the British, on their departure from the United 
States, had carried off with them several thousands 
of negroes belonging to the Americans ; and con- 
tinued to possess sundry posts within the acknowl- 
edged limits of the United States ; and that from 
these posts they encouraged and instigated the 
neighbouring Indians to make war on their north- 
western frontier settlements. Spain, from the cir- 
cumstance of their owning the land on each side 
of the mouth of the Missisippi, claimed the exclu- 
sive navigation of that river ; while the western 
inhabitants of the United States looked to their 
country for a vindication of their common right 
to the use of this highway of nature. The boun- 
daries of the United States toward the territories 
of Spain in the south, and toward those of Britain 
in the northeast, were both unsettled and in dis- 
pute. The whole regular effective force of the 
United States, was less than six hundred men. 
Their trade was restricted much more than when 



294 



THE LFFE OF 



they formed a part of the British empire. They 
had neither money to purchase, nor a naval force 
to compel the friendship of the Barbary powers ; 
and were therefore exposed to capture whenever 
they ventured to trade in the Mediterranean, the 
coasts of which offered the best markets for some 
of their valuable commodities. 

The military strength of the northern Indians 
who inhabited the country between the Lakes, the 
Missisippi, and the Ohio, was computed at live 
thousand men, and of these fifteen hundred were 
at open war with the United States. The Creeks, 
in the southwest, who could bring six thousand 
fighting men into the field, were at war with Geor- 
gia. 

These were but a part of the embarrassments 
under which the United States laboured when Gen. 
Washington was called to the helm. The redress 
of most of them required legislative interference, 
as well as executive aid. To point out the partic- 
ular agency of the president in removing these em- 
barrassments, and generally meliorating the condi- 
tion of the United States, is peculiarly the prov- 
ince of the biographer of Washington. 

Congress having organized the great depart- 
ments of government, it became the duty of the 
president to designate proper persons to fill them. 
Tn discharging this delicate and difficult trust. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



295 



Washington kept himself free from every engage- 
ment, and uniformly declined giving decisive an- 
swers to applicants, having previously resolved to 
nominate persons to offices with a sole view to the 
public good, and to bring forward those who, up- 
on every consideration, and from the best informa- 
tion he could obtain, were in his judgment most 
likely to answer the great end. 

Under these impressions he placed Col. Hamil- 
ton at the head of the Treasury Department. 

At the head of the Department of Foreign Af- 
fairs, he placed Mr. Jefferson. 

General Knox was continued in the Depart- 
ment of War, which he had filled under the old 
Congress. 

The office of Attorney General was assigned to 
Mr. Edmund Randolph. 

These composed the cabinet council of the first 
president. 

The judicial department was filled as fol- 
lows ; 

John Jay, of New York, Chef Justice. 

John Rutledge, of South Carolina, 

James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, 

William Cushing, of Massachusetts, 

Robert Harrison, of Maryland, and 

John Blair, of Virginia, Associate Judges. 



296 



THE LIFE OF 



The officers who had been appointed by the in- 
dividual states to manage the revenue, which, un- 
der the old system, was paid into the state treasu- 
ry, were reappointed to corresponding offices un- 
der the new constitution, by which the revenue 
had been transferred from the local to the general 
treasurv of the union. 

It was among the first cares of Washington to 
make peace with the Indians. Gen. Lincoln, Mr. 
Griffin, and Col. Humphreys, very soon after the 
inauguration of the president, were deputed by 
him to treat with the Creek Indians. These met 
with M'Gillvray, and other chiefs of the nation, 
with about two thousand men, at the Rock Land- 
ing, on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiations 
were soon broken off by M'Gillvray, whose per- 
sonal interests and connexion with Spain were sup- 
posed to have been the real cause of their abrupt 
and unsuccessful termination. The next year 
brought round an accomplishment of the presi- 
dent's wishes, which had failed in the first attempt. 
Policy and interest concurred in recommending 
every prudent measure for detaching the Creek 
Indians from all connexion with the Spaniards, 
and cementing their friendship with the United 
States. Negotiations carried on with them in the 
vicinity of the Spanish settlements, promised less 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



297 



than negotiations conducted at the seat of govern- 
ment. To induce a disposition favourable to this 
change of place, the president sent Col. Willet, a 
gallant and intelligent officer of the late army, 
into the Creek country, apparently on private bu- 
siness, but with a letter of introduction to M'Gill- 
vray, and with instructions to take occasional op- 
portunities to point out the distresses which a war 
with the United States would bring on the Creek 
nation, and the indiscretion of their breaking oft" 
the negotiation at the Rock Landing ; and to ex- 
hort him to repair with the chiefs of his nation to 
New York, in order to effect a solid and lasting 
peace. Willet performed these duties with so 

much dexterity, that M'Gillvray, with the chiefs 

t 
of his nation, were induced to come to New York, 

where fresh negotiations commenced, which, on 
the 7th. of August, 1790, terminated in the estab- 
lishment of peace. 

The pacific overtures made by Washington 
to the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamis, 
failed of success. Long experience had taught 
the president, that on the failure of negotiations 
with Indians, policy, economy, and even human- 
ity, required the employment of a sufficient force 
to carry offensive war into their country, and lay 

waste their settlements. The accomplishment of 
39 



298 



THE LIFE 0E 



this was no easy matter. The Indian nations 
were numerous, accustomed to war, and not with- 
out discipline. They were said to be furnish- 
ed with arms and ammunition from the British 
posts held within the United States, in violation 
of the treaty of peace. Generals Harmar and Sin- 
clair were successively defeated by the Indians ; 
and four or five years elapsed before they were 
subdued. This was accomplished by Gen. 
Wayne, in 1794. Soon after that event, a peace 
was concluded, under his auspices, between these 
Indians and the United States. In the progress 
of this last Indian war, repeated overtures of peace 
were made to the North Western Indians, but 
rejected. About the same period a new system 
was commenced for turning them off from hunt- 
ing to the employments of civilized life, by fur- 
nishing them with implements and instructions for 
agriculture and manufactures. 

In this manner, during the Presidency of George 
Washington, peace was restored to the frontier 
settlements both in the north and southwest, 
which has continued ever since, and it is likely to 
do so, while, at the same time, the prospect of me- 
liorating the condition of the savages is daily 
brightening ; for the system first began by Wash- 
ington with the view of civilizing these tierce sons 
of nature, have been ever since steadily pursued 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299 

by all his successors. Indian wars are now only 
known from the records or recollection of past 
events ; and it is probable that the day is not far 
distant when the United States will receive a con- 
siderable accession of citizens from the civilized 
red men of the forest. 



300 THE LiFE OF 



CHAPTER XII. 

Gdn; Washington attends to tlie foreign relations of tlie United States. 
Negotiates w ith Spain Difficulties in the way The free naviga- 
tion of the Missisippi is granted by a treaty made villi .Major Pinck- 

oey Negotiations with Britain Difficulties in the way War 

probable Mr. Jay's mission His treaty with Great Britain. -.Op- 
position thereto. ...Is ratified. ...Washington refuses papers to House 
of Representatives.. ..British posts in United States evacuated. ..Nego- 
tiations with Frame — Genet's arrival Assumes illegal powers, in 

violation of the neutrality of the United States Is flattered by the 

people, but opposed by the executive Is recalled Gen. Pincknej 

sent as public minister to adjust disputes with France Is not receiv- 
ed Washington declines a re-election, and addresses the people. 

His last address to the national legislature. .. Recommends a navy, a 
military academy, and other public institutions. 

Events which had taken place before the inaugu- 
ration of Washington, embarrassed his negotia- 
tions for the adjustment of the political relations 
between the United States and Spain. 

In the year 1779, Mr. Jay had been appointed 
by the old Congress to make a treaty with his 
Catholic Majesty ; but his best endeavours for 
more than two years were ineffectual. In a fit of 
despondence, while the revolutionary war was 
pressing, he had been authorized to agree " to re- 
linquish, and in future forbear to use the navi- 
gation of the river Missisippi, from the point 
where it leaves the United States, down to the 
ocean." After the war was ended, a majority of 



GKOIIGE WASHINGTON. 301 

Congress had agreed to barter away for twenty 
five years, their claim to this navigation. A long 
and intricate negotiation between Mr. Gardoqui, 
the minister of his Catholic Majesty, and the Sec* 
retary of Foreign Affairs, had taken place at New 
York, in the interval between the establishment of 
peace and of the new constitution of the United 
States ; but was rendered abortive from the inflex- 
ible adherence of Mr. Gardoqui to the exclusion 
of the citizens of the United States from navigat- 
ing the Missisippi below their southern boundary. 
This unyielding disposition of Spain, the inability 
of the United States to assert their claims to the 
navigation of this river, and especially the facility 
which the old Congress had shown to recede from 
it for a term of years, had soured the minds of the 
western settlers. Their impatience transported 
them so far beyond the bounds of policy, that 
they sometimes dropped hints of separating from 
the Atlantic States, and attaching themselves to 
the Spaniards. In this critical state of things, the 
president found abundant exercise for all his pru- 
dence. The western inhabitants were, in fact, 
thwarting his views in their favour, and encour- 
aging Spain to persist in refusing that free navi- 
gation, which was so ardently desired both by the 
president and the people. The adherence of 
Spain to the exclusive use of the lower Missisip- 



302 THE LIFE 01 

pi, and the impolitic discontents of the western 
inhabitants, were not the only embarrassments of 
Washington, in negotiating with the court of Ma- 
drid. 

In 1793, four Frenchmen left Philadelphia, em- 
powered by Mr. Genet, the minister of the French 
Republic, to prepare an expedition in Kentucky 
against New Orleans. Spain, then at war with 
France, was at peace with the United States. 
Washington was officially bound to interpose his 
authority to prevent the raising of an armed force 
from among his fellowcitizens to commit hostili- 
ties on a peaceable neighbouring power. Orders 
were accordingly given to the civil authority in 
Kentucky, to use all legal means to prevent this 
expedition ; but the execution of these orders 
was so languid, that it became necessary to call in 
the aid of the regular army. Gen. Wayne was 
ordered to establish a military post at Fort Mas- 
sac on the Ohio, for the purpose of forcibly stop- 
ping any body of armed men, who, in opposition 
to remonstrances, should persist in going down 
that river. 

Many of the high spirited Kentuckians were so 
exasperated against the Spaniards, as to be very 
willing to second the views of the French minis- 
ter, and under his auspices to attack New Orleans. 
The navigation of the Missisippi was so necessa- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 303 

ry for conveying to proper markets the surplus- 
age of their luxuriant soil, that to gain this privi- 
lege, others were willing to receive it from the 
hands of the Spaniards at the price of renouncing 
all political connexion with the United States. 
While these opposite modes of seeking a remedy 
for the same evil were pursuing by persons of dif- 
ferent temperaments, a remonstrance from the in- 
habitants of Kentucky was presented to Washing- 
ton and Congress. This demanded the use of the 
Missisippi as a natural right, and at the same time 
charged the government with being under the in- 
fluence of a local policy, which had prevented all 
serious efforts for the acquisition of a right which 
was essential to the prosperity of the western peo- 
ple. It spoke the language of an injured people, 
irritated by the maladministration of their public 
servants ; and hinted the probability of a dismem- 
berment of the union, if their natural rights were 
not vindicated by government. To appease these 
discontents ; to restrain the French from making 
war on the Spaniards with a force raised and em- 
bodied in the United States ; and at the same 
time, by fair negotiation, to obtain the free use of 
the Missisippi from the court of Madrid, was the 
task assigned to Washington. Difficult and deli- 
cate as it was, the whole was accomplished. An- 
terior to the receipt of the Kentucky remonstrance, 



304 HIE LIFE 01 

the president, well knowing the discontents of the 
interior people, and that the publication of them 
would obstruct his views, had directed the Secre- 
tary of State to give assurances to the Governor 
of Kentucky, that every exertion was making to 
obtain for the western people the free navigation 
they so much desired. The strong arm of gov- 
ernment was successfully exerted to frustrate the 
expedition projected by the French minister 
against New Orleans ; and, while these matters 
were pending, Major Thomas Pinckney was ap- 
pointed envoy extraordinary to the court of Ma- 
drid ; and in the year 1795. he concluded a treaty 
with his Catholic Majesty, in which the claims of 
the United States on the subject of boundary, and 
the navigation of the Missisippi, were fully con- 
ceded. By these events, the discontents of the 
western people were done away. Tranquillity 
was restored between the Atlantic and western 
states ; and all points in controversy between the 
United States and Spain were satisfactorily ad- 
justed. The most important of these, the free 
navigation of the Missisippi, had been the subject 
of discussion in the hands of different negotiators, 
for almost the whole of the immediately preceding 
fifteen years. 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to 
encounter in amicably settling all matters with 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



305 



Spain ; but much greater stood in the way of a 
peaceable adjustment of various grounds of con- 
troversy between the United States and Great 
Britain. 

Each of these two nations charged the other 
with a breach of the treaty of peace, in 1783, and 
each supported the charge against the other, with 
more solid arguments than either alleged in their 
own defence. 

The peace terminated the calamities of the war, 
but was far from terminating the resentments 
winch were excited by it. Many in the United 
States believed that Great Britain was their natur- 
al enemy, and that her views of subjecting the 
United States to her empire, were only for the 
present suspended. Soon after the peace, Mr. 
John Adams had been deputed by the old Con- 
gress to negotiate a treaty between the United 
States and Great Britain ; but the latter declined 
to meet this advance of the former. While he 
urged on the court of Great Britain, the necessi- 
ty they were under by the late treaty to evacuate 
their posts on the south side of the lakes of Cana- 
da, they retorted that some of the states had, in 
violation of the same treaty, passed laws interpos- 
ing legal impediments to the recovery of debts 
due to British subjects. 
40 



306 



THE LIFE OF 



Washington's love of justice was not weaken- 
ed by partiality to his country. In a letter to a 
member of Congress, he observed, " It was im- 
politic and unfortunate, if not unjust, in those states 
to pass laws, which, by fair construction, might 
be considered as infractions of the treaty of peace. 
It is good policy at all times, to place one's adver- 
sary in the wrong* Had we observed good faith, 
and the western posts had been withheld from us 
by Great Britain, we might have appealed to God 
and man for justice." 

" What a misfortune is it," said he, in another 
letter, " that the British should have so well 
grounded a pretext for their palpable infractions ; 
and what a disgraceful part, out of the choice of 
difficulties before us, are we to act !" 

In the first years of Washington's presidency, 
he took informal measures to sound the British 
c.ibinet, and to ascertain its views respecting the 
United States. To Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who 
had been carried by private business to Europe, 
this negotiation was intrusted. He conducted it 
with ability ; but found no disposition in the court 
of Great Britain to accede to the wishes of the 
United States. In about two years more, when 
the stability and energy of the government as ad- 
ministered by Washing! on became a matter of 
public notoriety, the British, of their own motion. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 307 

sent Mr. Hammond, their first minister to the 
United States. This advance induced the presi- 
dent to nominate Mr. Thomas Pinckney as min- 
ister plenipotentiary to the court of Great Brit- 
ain. 

About this time war commenced between France 
and Great Britain. The correct, sound judgment 
of Washington instantly decided that a perfect neu- 
trality was the right, the duty, and the interest of 
the United States, and of this he gave public no- 
tice by a proclamation, in April, 1793. Subse- 
quent events have proved the wisdom of this meas- 
ure, though it was then reprobated by many. 
The war between the late enemies and friends of 
the United States, revived revolutionary feelings 
in the breasts of the citizens, and inlisted the 
strongest passions of human nature against the one, 
and in favour of the other. A wish for the suc- 
cess of France was almost universal ; and many 
were willing to hazard the peace of their country, 
by taking an active part in the war in her favour. 
The proclamation was at variance with the feel- 
ings and the passions of a large portion of the cit- 
izens. To compel the observance of neutrality 
under these circumstances, was no easy matter. 
Hitherto Washington had the people with him ; 
but in this case a large proportion was on the 
other side. His resolution was nevertheless un^ 



308 



THE LI IE OF 



shaken ; and at the risk of popularity he persisted 
in promoting the real good of his fellowcitizens, 
in opposition to their own mistaken wishes and 
views. 

The tide of popular opinion ran as strongly 
against Britain as in favour of France. The form- 
er was accused of instigating the Indians to acts 
of hostility against the United States ; of impress- 
ing their sailors ; of illegally capturing their ships ; 
and of stirring up the Algerines against them. 
The whole of this hostility was referred to a jeal- 
ousy of the growing importance of the United 
States. Motions were made in Congress for se- 
questering debts due to British subjects ; for en- 
tering into commercial hostility with Great Britain, 
and even for interdicting all intercourse with her, 
till she pursued other measures with respect to the 
United States. Every appearance portended im- 
mediate war between the two countries. The pas- 
sionate admirers of France wished for it ; while 
others, more attached to British systems, dreaded 
a war with Great Britain, as being likely to throw 
the United States into the arms of France. In 
this state of things, when war seemed inevitable, 
the president composed the troubled scene by nom- 
inating John Jay, in April, 1794, envoy extraor- 
dinary to the court of London. By this meas- 
ure a truce was obtained, and that finally ended 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 309 

in an adjustment of the points in controversy be- 
tween the two countries. The exercise of the 
constitutional right of the president to negotiate, 
virtually suspended all hostile legislative meas- 
ures ; for these could not with delicacy or propri- 
ety be urged, while the executive was in the act 
of treating for an amicable adjustment of differ- 
ences. 

A treaty between the United States and Great 
Britain was the result of this mission. This was 
pronounced by Mr. Jay, " to be the best that was 
attainable, and which he believed it for the inter- 
est of the United States to accept." While the 
treaty was before the Senate for consideration, a 
member, contrary to the rules of that body, fur- 
nished an editor of a newspaper with a copy of it. 
This being published, operated like a spark of fire 
applied to combustible materials. The angry pas- 
sions which for some short time had been smoth- 
ered, broke out afresh. Some went so far as to 
pronounce the treaty a surrender of their power 
to their late enemy, Great Britain, and a derelic- 
tiou of their tried friend and ally, France. The 
more moderate said, that too much was given, and 
too little received. Meetings of the people were 
held at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Balti- 
more, Charleston, and several other places, in 
which the treaty was pronounced to be unworthy 



310 



THE LIFE OF 



of acceptance, and petitions were agreed upon 
and forwarded to the president, urging him to re- 
fuse his signature to the obnoxious instrument. 

These agitations furnished matter for serious 
reflection to the president, but they did not affect 
his conduct, though they induced a reiterated ex- 
amination of the subject.. In a private letter to a 
friend, after reciting the importance of the crisis, 
he added, " There is but one straight course, and 
that is to seek truth and to pursue it steadily." 
It is probable that he had early made up his mind 
to ratify the treaty as better than none, and infi- 
nitely better than war ; but regretted that it was 
so generally disliked, and considered by many as 
made with a design to oppress the French Repub- 
lic. Under the weight of his high responsibility, 
he- consoled himself, "that in time when passion 
shall have yielded to reason, the current may pos- 
sibly turn." Peace with all the world was his pol- 
icy, where it could be preserved with honour. 
War he considered as an evil of such magnitude, 
as never to be entered upon without the most im- 
perious necessity. The mission of Mr. Jay was 
his last effort for the preservation of peace with 
Great Britain. The rejection of the treaty which 
resulted from this mission, he considered as the 
harbinger of war ; for negotiation having failed to 
redress grievances, no alternative but war was left. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 311 

By this prudent conduct, the rising states were 
. preserved in peace, but the bickerings of the cit- 
izens among themselves, and their animosities 
against Great Britain, still continued. The pop- 
ularity of the president for the present was dimin- 
ished ; but on this he had counted. In a letter to 
Gen. Knox, he observes, " Next to a conscien- 
tious discharge of my public duties, to carry along 
with me the approbation of my constituents, would 
be the highest gratification of which my mind is 
susceptible. But the latter being secondary, 1 
cannot make the former yield to it, unless some 
criterion more infallible than partial, if they are 
not party, meetings, can be discovered as the 
touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on 
earth could, or the Great Power above would 
erect the standard of infallibility in political opin- 
ions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe, 
would resort to it with more eagerness than my- 
self, so long as I remain a servant of the public. 
But as I have hitherto found no better guide than 
upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall 
adhere to them while I keep the watch." 

After the treaty was duly ratified, an attempt 
was made to render it a dead letter, by refusing 
the appropriations of money necessary to carry it 
into effect. Preparatory to this, a motion was 
made for the adoption of a resolution to request 



312 THE LIFE OF 

the president to lay before the House of Repre- 
sentatives a copy of his instructions to Mr. Jay, 
together with the correspondence and other docu- 
ments relative to the treaty with Great Britain. 
This involved a new question, where the treaty 
making power was constitutionally lodged ? The 
debate was animated and vehement. Appeals were 
made both to reason and passion. After a discus- 
sion of more than twenty days, the motion was 
carried in the affirmative by a majority of twenty 
five votes. When the resolution was presented to 
the president, he replied, " That he would take 
time to consider it." His situation was peculiar- 
ly delicate ; the passions of the people were strong- 
ly excited against the treaty ; the popularity of 
the demand being solely for information ; the large 
majority by which the vote was carried ; the sus- 
picions that would probably attach in case of re- 
fusal, that circumstances had occurred in the course 
of the negotiation which the president was afraid 
to publish, added to other weighty considerations, 
would have induced minds of an ordinary texture, 
to yield to the request. With Washington, pop- 
ularity was only a secondary object. To follow 
the path of duty and the public good was a prima- 
ry one. He had sworn to " preserve, protect, and 
defend the constitution." In his opinion the trea- 
ty making power was exclusively given by the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



313 



people in convention to the executive, and that the 
public good required that it should be so exer- 
cised. Under the influence of these solemn obli- 
gations, he returned the following answer to the 
resolution which had been presented to him. 

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 

" With the utmost attention I have considered 
your resolution of the 24th. inst. requesting me to 
lay before your house a copy of the instructions 
to the minister of the United States, who negoti- 
ated the treaty with the king of Great Britain, to- 
gether with the correspondence and other docu- 
ments relative to that treaty, excepting such of the 
said papers as any existing negotiation may ren- 
der improper to be disclosed. 

" In deliberating upon this subject, it was im- 
possible for me to lose sight of the principle which 
some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid 
extending my views to the consequences which 
must flow from the admission of that principle. 

" I trust that no part of my conduct has ever 
indicated a disposition to withhold any informa- 
tion which the constitution has enjoined it upon 
the president as a duty to give, or which could be 
required of him by either house of Congress as a 
right ; and with truth I affirm, that it has been, 
as it will continue to be, while I have the honour 
to preside in the government, my constant endeav- 
4) 



°14 THE LIFE OF 

our to harmonize with the other branches thereof, 
so far as the trust delegated to me by the people 
of the United States, and my sense of the obliga- 
tion it imposes, ' to preserve, protect, and defend 
the constitution,' will permit. 

" The nature of foreign negotiations requires 
caution, and their success must often depend on 
secrecy ; and even when brought to a conclusion, 
a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or 
eventual concessions, which may have been pro- 
posed or contemplated, would be extremely impol- 
itic ; for this might have a pernicious influence on 
future negotiations, or produce immediate incon- 
veniences, perhaps danger and mischief, to other 
persons. The necessity of such caution and se- 
crecy was one cogent reason for vesting the pow- 
er of making treaties in the president, with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, the principle on 
which that body was formed confining it to a small 
number of members. 

" To admit then a right in the House of Repre- 
sentatives to demand, and to have as a matter of 
course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with 
a foreign power, would be to establish a danger- 
ous precedent. 

" It does not occur that the inspection of the pa- 
pers asked for, can be relative to any purpose un- 
der the cognisance of the House of Representa 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



315 



tives, except that of an impeachment, which the 
resolution has not expressed. I repeat that I have 
no disposition to withhold any information which 
the duty of my station will permit, or the public- 
good shall require, to be disclosed ; and in fact all 
the papers affecting the negotiation with Great 
Britain were laid before the Senate when the trea- 
ty itself was communicated for their consideration 
and advice. 

" The course which the debate has taken on the 
resolution of the house, leads to some observations 
on the mode of making treaties under the consti- 
tution of the United States. 

" Having been a member of the general con- 
vention, and knowing the principles on which the 
constitution was formed, I have ever entertained 
but one opinion upon this subject ; and from the 
first establishment of the government to this mo- 
ment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion. 
That the power of making treaties is exclusively 
vested in the president, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of the 
senators present concur ; and that every treaty so 
made and promulgated, thenceforward becomes 
the law of the land. It is thus that the treaty mak- 
ing power has been understood by foreign na- 
tions ; and in all the treaties made with them we 
have declared, and they have believed, that when 






T1IK LIFE OF 



ratified by the president with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, they become obligatory. In 
this construction of the constitution, every House 
of Representatives has heretofore acquiesced, and, 
until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion 
has appeared to my knowledge that this construc- 
tion was not the true one. Nay, they have more 
than acquiesced ; for until now, without contro- 
verting the obligation of such treaties, they have 
made all the requisite provisions for carrying them 
into effect. 

" There is also reason to believe that this con- 
struction agrees with the opinions entertained by 
the state conventions, when they were deliberat- 
ing on the constitution, especially by those who 
objected to it ; because there was not required in 
commercial treaties the consent of two thirds of 
the whole number of the members of the Senate, 
instead of two thirds of the senators present ; and 
because in treaties respecting territorial and certain 
other rights and claims, the concurrence of three 
fourths of the whole number of the members of 
both houses respectively was not made necessary. 

4 ' It is a fact declared by the general conven- 
tion, and universally understood, that the consti- 
tution of the United States was the result of a spir- 
it of amity and mutual concession ; and it is well 
known that under this influence, the smaller states 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 317 

were admitted to an equal representation in the 
Senate with the larger states, and that this branch 
of the government was invested with great pow- 
ers ; for on the equal participation of those pow- 
ers, the sovereignty and political safety of the 
smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. 

" If other proofs than these, and the plain letter 
of the constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain 
the point under consideration, they may be found 
in the journals of the general convention, which I 
have deposited in the office of the department of 
state. In these journals it will appear that a prop- 
osition was made ' that no treaty should be bind- 
ing on the United States which was not ratified 
by a law ;' and that the proposition was explicit- 
ly rejected. 

" As therefore it is perfectly clear to my under- 
standing, that the assent of the House of Repre- 
sentatives is not necessary to the validity of a trea- 
ty ; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits in it- 
self all the objects requiring legislative provision, 
and on these the papers called for can throw no 
light ; and as it is essential to the due administra- 
tion of the government, that the boundaries fixed 
by the constitution between the different depart- 
ments should be preserved ; a just regard to the 
constitution and to the duty of my office, under all 
the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance 
with your request." 



318 



THE LIFE OF 



Though the call for papers was unsuccessful, 
the favourers of the resolution for that purpose op- 
posed the appropriations necessary to carry the 
treaty into effect ; but, from the firmness of the 
president, the ground was altered. The treaty was 
ratified, and proclaimed to the public as constitu- 
tionally obligatory on the citizens. To refuse ap- 
propriations for carrying it into effect, would not 
only incur the high responsibility of breaking the 
public faith, but make a schism in the government 
between the executive and legislative departments. 
After long and vehement debates, in which argu- 
ment and passion were both resorted to, with the 
view of exposing the merits and demerits of the 
treaty, the resolution for bringing in the laws nec- 
essary to carry it into effect, was carried by a ma- 
jority of three. Though in this discussion Wash- 
ington had no direct agency, yet the final result in 
favour of the treaty was the consequence of the 
measures he had previously adopted. For having 
ratified the treaty and published it to the world as 
the law of the land, and having in his answer to 
the request of the House of Representatives, prov- 
ed that he had a constitutional right so to do, the 
laws necessary for giving effect to the treaty, could 
not be withheld without hazarding the most seri- 
ous consequences. 

The treaty which was thus carried into opera- 
tion, produced more good and less evil than was 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



319 



apprehended. It compromised ancient differen- 
ces, produced amicable dispositions, and a friend- 
ly intercourse. It brought round a peaceable sur- 
render of the British posts, and compensation for 
American vessels illegally captured. Though it 
gave up some favourite principles, and some of 
its articles relative to commerce were deemed un- 
equal, yet from Britain, as a great naval power, 
holding valuable colonies and foreign possessions, 
nothing better, either with or without the treaty, 
could have been obtained. 

After the lapse of ten years has cooled the minds 
both of the friends and enemies of the treaty, most 
men will acknowledge that the measures adopted 
by Washington with respect to it were founded 
in wisdom ; proceeded from the purest patriot- 
ism ; were carried through with uncommon firm- 
ness ; and finally eventuated in advancing the in- 
terests of his country. 

Thorny and difficult as was the line of policy 
proper to be pursued by Washington with respect 
to Britain, it was much more so in regard to 
France. The revolution in France, and the estab- 
lishment of the constitution of the United States, 
were nearly cotemporary events. Till about the 
year 1793, perfect harmony subsisted between the 
two countries ; but from the commencement of 
the war between France and England, the great- 



320 



fHE LIFE Ol 



est address was requisite to prevent the United 
States from being involved in war with one or the 
other, and sometimes with both. Good will to 
France, and hatred to Britain, which had prevail- 
ed more or less from the peace of 1783, revived 
with a great increase of force on the breaking out 
of war between the two countries. These dispo- 
sitions were greatly increased by the arrival of Mr. 
Genet, the first minister plenipotentiary from the 
republic of France to the United States. He land- 
ed April 8th. 1793, at Charleston, S. C. the con- 
tiguity of which to the West Indies, futed it to be 
a convenient resort for privateers. By the Gov- 
ernor of the state, Wm. Moultrie, and the citi- 
zens, he was received with ardour approaching to 
enthusiasm. During his stay, which was for sev- 
eral days, he received unequivocal proofs of the 
warmest attachment to his person, his country, and 
its cause. Encouraged by these evidences of the 
good wishes of the people for the success of the 
French revolution, he undertook to authorize the 
fitting and arming of vessels in that port, inlisting 
men, and giving commissions to vessels to cruise 
and commit hostilities on nations with whom the 
United States were at peace. The captures made 
by these cruisers were to be tried, condemned, and 
sold, under the authority of Genet, who had not 
yet been recognised as a public minister by the 
government. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 321 

Similar marks of enthusiastic attachment were 
lavished on Genet as he passed through the coun- 
try between Charleston and Philadelphia. At 
Gray's ferry, over the Schuylkill, he was met by 
crowds who flocked to do honour to the first am- 
bassador of a republican allied nation. On the 
day after his arrival in Philadelphia, he received 
addresses from societies and the inhabitants, who 
expressed their gratitude for the aids furnished by 
the French nation to the United States in their late 
struggle for liberty and independence, and un- 
bounded exultation at the success of the French 
arms. Genet's answers to these addresses were 
well calculated to preserve the idea of a complete 
fraternity between the two nations, and that their 
interests were the same. 

After Genet had been thus accredited by the 
citizens of Philadelphia, he was presented to the 
president, and received with expressions of a sin- 
cere and cordial regard for his nation. In the 
conversations which took place on the occasion, 
Mr. Genet gave the most explicit assurances that 
France did not wish to engage the United States 
in the war between his country and Great Britain. 

While Mr. Genet was receiving these flattering 

marks of attention from the people, the British 

minister preferred a long catalogue of complaints 

against his proceedings at Charleston. This was 
42 



322 



J] IK LIFE Ui- 



founded on the acts already mentioned, which 
were calculated to make the United States instru- 
ments of hostility in the hands of France, against 
those with whom she was at war. These were 
farther aggravated by actual hostilities in the ter- 
ritories of the United States. The ship Grange, 
a British vessel, was captured by the French frig- 
ate PAmbuscade, within the Capes of the Dela- 
ware, while on her way from Philadelphia to the 
ocean. Of this ship, and of other illegal prizes 
which were in the power of the American govern- 
ment, the British minister demanded restitution. 

The cabinet council of Washington was unani- 
mous that every independent nation was exclu- 
sively sovereign in its own territories, and that the 
proceedings complained of were unwarranted usur- 
pations of sovereignty, and violations of neutrali- 
ty ; and therefore must in future be prevented. 
It was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws 
should be tried against those citizens of the Unit- 
ed States who had joined in the offences complain- 
ed of. The restitution of the Grange was also 
agreed to ; but on the propriety of enforcing the 
restitution of prizes made on the high seas, there 
was a diversity of sentiment, the Secretaries of the 
Treasury and of War being for it, and the Secre- 
tary of State and the Attorney General against it. 
The principles on which a concurrence of senti- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323 

meat had taken place being considered as settled, 
the Secretary of State was desired to communi- 
cate them to the ministers of France and of Brit- 
ain ; and circular letters were written to the Gov- 
ernors of the several states, requiring them to co- 
operate with force, if necessary, to execute the 
rules which had been agreed upon, 

Mr. Genet was highly dissatisfied with these 
determinations, and considered them as subver- 
sive of the treaty between the United States and 
France. His representations induced a reconsid- 
eration of the subject ; but on the most dispassion- 
ate review of it, no reason appeared for an altera- 
tion of any part of the system. The minister of 
France was further informed, that in the opinion 
of the president, the vessels which had been ille- 
gally equipped, should depart from the ports of the 
United States. 

Mr. Genet, adhering to his own construction of 
the treaty between France and the United States, 
would not acquiesce in those decisions of the gov- 
ernment. Intoxicated with the flattering atten- 
tions he had received, and ignorant of the firmness 
of the executive, he seems to have expected that 
the popularity of his nation and its cause, would 
enable him to undermine the executive, or render 
it subservient to his views. 



324 !<HE LIFE OF 

About this time, two citizens of the United 
States who had been engaged in Charleston by Mr. 
Genet, to cruise in the service of France, were ar- 
rested by the civil authority, in pursuance of the 
determination formed by government to prosecute 
persons who had offended against the laws. Mr. 
Genet demanded their release as French citizens, 
in the most extraordinary terms. This was refus- 
ed ; but on trial they were acquitted by the ver- 
dict of a jury. 

The minister of the French republic was encour- 
aged to this line of opposition, by a belief that the 
sentiments of the people were in his favour. So 
extravagant was their enthusiastic devotedness to 
France ; so acrimonious were their expressions 
against all the powers at war with the new repub- 
lic, that a person less sanguine than Mr. Genet 
might have cherished the hope of being able to 
succeed so far with the people, as, with their sup- 
port, ultimately to triumph over the opposition he 
experienced. At civic festivals, the ensigns of 
France were displayed in union with those of 
America ; at these the cap of liberty passed from 
head to head, and toasts were given expressive of 
the fraternity of the two nations. The proclama- 
tion of neutrality was treated as a royal edict, which 
demonstrated the disposition of the government to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



325 



break its connexions with France, and dissolve the 
friendship which united the people of the two re- 
publics. The scenes of the revolutionary war 
were brought into view ; the effects of British hos- 
tility against the United States, and of French aids 
both in men and money in their favour, were paint- 
ed in glowing colours. The enmity of Britain to 
the United States was represented as continuing 
undiminished ; and in proof of it their detention 
of the western posts, and their exciting from these 
stations the neighbouring Indians to make war on 
the frontier settlers, were urged with great vehe- 
mence, and contrasted with the amicable disposi- 
tions professed by the French republic. It was 
indignantly asked, should a friend and an enemy 
be treated with equal favour ? By declamations of 
this kind daily issuing from the press, the public 
mind was so inflamed against the executive, that 
Genet, calculating on the partialities of the peo- 
ple, openly insulted the government ; and, adher- 
ing to his own construction of the treaty, that he 
had a right to do as he had done, threatened to 
appeal to the sovereign people against their presi- 
dent. 

To preserve neutrality in such a crisis, was no 
easy matter. Washington, adhering to the prin- 
ciples avowed in his late proclamation, and em- 
bodied in the declaration of independence, " that 



326 THE LIFK OF 

the United States would hold all mankind enemies 
in war and friends in peace," exerted all his au- 
thority and influence to keep the balance even be- 
tween the belligerents.* 

It was at length resolved by Washington to in- 
struct Mr. Morris, the minister of the United 
States at Paris, to request the recall of Mr. Genet ; 
and that Mr. Morris should be furnished with all 
the necessary documents to evince the propriety of 
the request. What was asked was granted ; and 
Mr. Genet's conduct was disapproved by his gov- 
ernment. Mr. Fauchet was appointed his suc- 
cessor, who was succeeded by Mr. Adet. The 
latter brought with him the colours of France, 
which he was directed to present to the United 
States. To answer the animated speech of Mr. 
Adet on his presenting the colours, required ad- 
dress. The occasion required something affec- 
tionate and complimentary to the French nation ; 
and yet the guarded policy of Washington forbade 
the utterance of any sentiments which might be 
improper in the chief magistrate of a neutral coun- 

' If Washington and Horace had been coteraporaries, the world 
would have supposed that the latter had the former in his eye, when 
he penned his famous ode — 

" Justum Sc tenacem propositi virum 
Xon curium ardor prava jubentium, 
\<m vultus instantis tyranni 
Mente quant solida ." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



327 



try, when addressing the representative of one of 
the belligerent powers. Impressed with this dou- 
ble view, the president made the following reply ; 
" Born, sir, in a land of liberty ; having early 
learned its value ; having engaged in a perilous 
conflict to defend it ; having, in a word, devoted 
the best years of my life to secure its permanent 
establishment in my own country ; my anxious 
recollections ; my sympathetic feelings ; and my 
best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, 
in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl 
the banners of freedom. But above all, the events 
of the French revolution have produced the deep- 
est solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. 
To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but 
common praise. Wonderful people ! ages to come 
will read with astonishment the history of your 
brilliant exploits. I rejoice that the period of your 
toils and of your immense sacrifices is approach- 
ing. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary 
movements'of so many years have issued in the 
formation of a constitution designed to give per- 
manency to the great object for which you have 
contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have 
so long embraced with enthusiasm ; liberty, of 
which you have been the invincible defenders, now 
finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organ- 
ized government ; a government, which, being- 
formed to secure the happiness of the French peo- 



328 THE LIFE OF 

pie, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my 
heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen 
of the United States by its resemblance to their 
own. On these glorious events, accept, sir, my 
sincere congratulations. 

" In delivering to you these sentiments, I ex- 
press not my own feelings only, but those of my 
fellowcitizens, in relation to the commencement, 
the progress, and the issue, of the French revolu- 
tion ; and they will certainly join with me in pur- 
est wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens 
of our sister Republic, our magnanimous allies, 
may soon enjoy in peace that liberty which they 
have purchased at so great a price, and all the hap- 
piness that liberty can bestow. 

" I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the sym- 
bol of the triumphs and of the infranchisements of 
your nation, the colours of France, which you have 
now presented to the United States. The trans- 
action will be announced to Congress, and the col- 
ours will be deposited with the archives of the 
United States, which are at once the evidence and 
the memorials of their freedom and independence. 
May these be perpetual ! and may the friendship of 
the two republics be commensurate with their ex- 
istence !" 

The successors of Genet continued to tread in 
his steps, but with less violence. They made fre- 
quent complaints of particular cases of hardship 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



329 



which grew out of the w r ar, and out of the rules 
which had been established by the executive with 
regard to ships of war, cruisers, and their prizes. 
They complained particularly that in the treaty 
with Great Britain, the principle of " free ships 
making free goods," was given up ; and urged the 
injustice, while French cruisers were restrained by 
treaty from taking English goods out of American 
bottoms, that English cruisers should be liberated 
from the same restraint. In vain did the execu- 
tive show a willingness to release France from the 
pressure of a situation in which she had volunta- 
rily placed herself. Private explanations were 
made, that neither the late treaty made with Brit- 
ain, nor the arrangements growing out of it, fur- 
nished any real cause of complaint to France. 
With the same conciliatory view, Washington ap- 
pointed Gen. Pinckney minister plenipotentiary to 
the French republic, " to maintain that good un- 
derstanding, which, from the commencement of 
the alliance, had subsisted between the two na- 
tions, and to efface unfavourable impressions, ban- 
ish suspicion, and restore that cordiality which 
was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly 
union." The Directory having inspected his let- 
ter of credence, announced their haughty deter- 
mination, " not to receive another minister from 
the United States, until after a redress of grievan- 



330 THE LIFE 0E 

ces demanded of die American government, which 
the French republic had a right to expect from it." 
This was followed by a written mandate to Gen. 
Pinckney, to quit the territories of the republic. 
To complete the system of hostility, American 
vessels, wherever found, were captured by French 
cruisers. 

From this mission Washington expected an ad- 
justment of all points in dispute between France 
and the United States. In his opinion, the failure 
of it was owing to a belief that the American peo- 
ple were in unison with France, and in opposition 
to their own government ; and that high toned 
measures on the part of France, would induce a 
change of rulers in the United States. Before the 
result of the mission was known, Washington had 
at his own request ceased to be president. Hav- 
ing made peace with the Indians, and adjusted all 
matters in dispute with both Spain and Britain, 
and hoping that an accommodation would soon 
take place with France, after eiglv years service 
in the high office of president, at the commence- 
ment of which period he found the United States 
in a miserable state of depression, and at its con- 
elusion, left them advancing with gigantic steps 
in agriculture, commerce, wealth, credit, and rep- 
utation, and being in the sixty sixth year of his 
age ; he announced his intention of declining a re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 331 

election, in full time for the people to make up 
their mind in the choice of his successor This 
was done in an address to the people of the Unit- 
ed States in the following words ; 

" Friends and Fellow/citizens, 

" The period for a new election of a citizen to 
administer the executive government of the Unit- 
ed States being not far distant, and the time ac- 
tually arrived when your thoughts must be em- 
ployed in designating the person who is to be 
clothed with that important trust, it appears to me 
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more 
distinct expression of the public voice, that I should 
now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, 
to decline being considered among the number of 
those out of whom the choice is to be made. 

" I beg you at the same time to do me the jus- 
tice to be assured, that this resolution has not been 
taken, without a strict regard to all the considera- 
tions appertaining to the relation which binds a 
dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in with- 
drawing the tender of service, which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no dim- 
inution of zeal for your future interest ; no defi- 
ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; 
but am supported "by a full conviction, that the 
step is compatible with both. 

11 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto 
in, the office to which your suffrages have twice 



332 



TI1»LIFK OF 



called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of incli- 
nation to the opinion of duty, and to a deference 
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly 
hoped that it would have been much earlier in my 
power, consistently with motives which I was not 
at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement 
from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The 
strength of my inclination to do this, previous to 
the last election, had even led to the preparation of 
an address to declare it to you ; but mature re- 
flection on the then perplexed and critical posture 
of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unani- 
mous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, 
impelled me to abandon the idea. ' 

" I rejoice that the state of your concerns, ex- 
ternal as well as internal, no longer renders the 
pursuit of inclination incompatible with the senti- 
ment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded 
whatever partiality may be retained for my servi- 
ces, that in the present circumstances of our coun- 
try, you will not disapprove of my determination 
to retire. 

" The impressions with which I first undertook 
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper 
occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will on- 
ly say, that I have, with good intentions, contrib- 
uted toward the organization and administration 
of the government, the best exertions of which a 
very fallible judgment was capable. Not uncon- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



33: 



scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qual- 
ifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps 
still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened 
the motives to diffidence of myself ; and every day 
the increasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more, that the shade of retirement is as 
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied 
that if any circumstances have given peculiar val- 
ue to my services, they were temporary, I have 
the consolation to believe, that while choice and 
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, pat- 
riotism does not forbid it. 

" In looking forward to the moment which is 
to terminate the career of my political life, my 
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac- 
knowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I 
owe to my beloved country, for the many honours 
it has conferred upon me ; still more for the stead- 
fast confidence with which it has supported me ; 
and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services 
faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
equal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our 
country from these services, let it always be re- 
membered to your praise, and as an instructive 
example in our annals, that under circumstances 
in which the passions, agitated in every direction, 
were liable to mislead ; amidst appearances some- 



334 



THE LIFE OF 



times dubious ; vicissitudes of fortune often dis- 
couraging ; in situations in which not unfrequent- 
ly want of success has countenanced the spirit of 
criticism ; the constancy of your support was the 
essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the 
plans by which they were effected. Profoundly 
penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me 
to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing 
wishes, that heaven may continue to you the choic- 
est tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free 
constitution, which is the work of your hands, may 
be sacredly maintained ; that its administration in 
every department may be stamped with wisdom 
and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the peo- 
ple of these states, under the auspices of liberty, 
may be made complete, by so careful a preserva- 
tion and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will 
acquire to them the glory of recommending it to 
the applause, the affection, and the adoption, of ev- 
ery nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solic- 
itude for your welfare, which cannot end but with 
my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to 
that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the 
present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, 
and to recommend to your frequent review, some 
sentiments, which are the result of much reflection. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335 

of no inconsiderable observation, and which ap- 
pear to me all important to the permanency oi' 
your felicity as a people. These will be offered 
to you with the more freedom, as you can only 
see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive 
to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an en- 
couragement to it, your indulgent reception of 
my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar oc- 
casion. 

" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with ev- 
ery ligament of your hearts, no recommendation 
of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the at- 
tachment. 

" The unity of government, which constitutes 
you one people, is also now dear to you. It is 
justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of 
your real independence ; the support of your tran- 
quillity at home ; your peace abroad ; of your safe- 
ty, of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which 
you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, 
that from different causes and from different quar- 
ters, much pains will be taken, many artifices em- 
ployed, to weaken in your minds the conviction 
of this truth ; as this is the point in your political 
fortress against which the batteries of internal and 
external enemies will be most constantly and ac- 
tively, though often covertly and insidiously, di • 



336 



THE LIKE 01 



rected, it is of infinite moment, that you should 
properly estimate the immense value of your na- 
tional union, to your collective and individual 
happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, ha- 
bitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; accus- 
toming- yourselves to think and speak of it as of 
the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity ; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest 
even a suspicion that it can in any event be aban- 
doned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first 
dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion 
of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the 
sacred ties which now link together the various 
parts. 

" For this you have every inducement of sym- 
pathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice 
of a common country, that country has a right to 
concentrate your affections. The name of Amer- 
ican, which belongs to you in your national ca- 
pacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriot- 
ism, more than any appellation derived from local 
discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same religion, manners, habits, and 
political principles. You have in a common cause 
fought and triumphed together ; the independence 
and liberty you possess, are the work of joint coun- 
cils, and joint efforts ; of common dangers, suffer 
ings, and successes. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337 

" But these considerations, however powerfully 
they address themselves to your sensibility, are 
greatly outweighed by those which apply more 
immediately to your interest. Here every portion 
ot our country finds the most commanding mo- 
tives for carefully guarding and preserving the un- 
ion of the whole. 

" The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with 
the south, protected by the equal laws of a com- 
mon government, finds in the productions of the 
latter, great additional resources of maritime and 
commercial enterprise, and precious materials of 
manufacturing industry. The south in the same 
intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the north, 
sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. 
Turning partly into its own channels the seamen 
of the north, it finds its particular navigation in- 
vigorated ; and while it contributes, in different 
ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of 
the national navigation, it looks forward to the pro- 
tection of a maritime strength, to which itself is 
unequally adapted. The east, in like intercourse 
with the west, already finds, and in the progress- 
ive improvement of interior communications, by 
land and water, will more and more find a valua- 
ble vent for the commodities which it brings from 
abroad, or manufactures at home. The w st de- 
rives from the east supplies requisite to its growth 
44 



338 



THE LIFE OF 



and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater 
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure 
enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own 
productions, to the weight, influence, and the fu- 
ture maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the 
union, directed by an indissoluble community of 
interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which 
the west can hold this essential advantage, wheth- 
er derived from its own separate strength, or 
from an apostate and unnatural connexion with 
any foreign power, must be intrinsically precari- 
ous. 

" While' then every part of our country thus 
feels an immediate and particular interest in union, 
all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the 
united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, 
greater resource, proportionably greater security 
from external danger, a less frequent interruption 
of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of 
inestimable value, they must derive from union 
an exemption from those broils and wars between 
themselves which so frequently afflict neighbour- 
ing countries, not tied together by the same gov- 
ernment ; which their own rivalships alone would 
be sufficient to produce ; but which opposite for- 
eign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would 
stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise they will 
avoid the necessity of those overgrown military 



GK0RGE WASHINGTON. 



339 



establishments, which, under any form of govern- 
ment, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are 
to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican 
liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought 
to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, 
and that the love of the one ought to endear to you 
the preservation of the other. 

" These considerations speak a persuasive lan- 
guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and 
exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary 
object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt wheth- 
er a common government can embrace so large a 
sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to 
mere speculation in such a case were criminal. 
We are authorized to hope that a proper organi- 
zation of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of 
governments for the respective subdivisions, will 
afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well 
worth a fair and full experiment. With such pow- 
erful and obvious motives to union, affecting all 
parts of our country, while experience shall not 
have demonstrated its impracticability, there will 
always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those 
who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken 
its bands. 

" In contemplating the causes which may dis- 
turb our union, it occurs as matter of serious con- 
cern, that any ground should have been furnished 



340 



THE LIFE OF 



for characterizing parties by geographical discrim- 
inations ; northern and southern; Atlantic and 
western ; whence designing men may endeavour 
to excite a belief that there is a real difference of 
local interests and views. One of the expedients 
of party to acquire influence, with n particular dis- 
tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of 
other districts. You cannot sh eld yourselves too 
much against the jealousies and heartburnings 
which spring from these misrepresentations ; they 
tend to render alien to each other, those who ought 
to be bound together by fraternal affection. The 
inhabitants of our western country have lately had 
a useful lesson on this head. They have seen, in 
the negotiation by the executive, and in the unan- 
imous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with 
Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event 
throughout the United States, a decisive proof 
how unfounded were the suspicions propagated 
among them of a policy in the general government, 
and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their in- 
terests in regard to the Missis. ppi. They have 
been witnesses to the formation of tvvo treaties, 
that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which 
secure to them every thing they could desire, in 
respect to our foreign relat.ons, toward confirm- 
ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom 
to rely for the preservation of these advantages on 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



341 



the union by which they were procured ? W 11 
they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 
such there are, who would sever them from their 
brethren, and connect them with aliens ? 

" To the efficacy and permanency of your un- 
ion, a government for the whole is indispensable. 
No alliances, however strict, between the parts 
can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevita- 
bly experience the infractions' and interruptions 
which all alliances in all times have experienced. 
Sensible of this momentous truth ; you have im- 
proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a 
constitution of government, better calculated than 
your former, for an intimate union, and for the ef- 
ficacious management of your common concerns. 
This government, the offspring of our own choice, 
uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full in- 
vestigation and mature deliberation ; completely 
free in its principles ; in the d stribution of its pow- 
ers uniting security with energy, and containing 
within itself a provision for its own amendments, 
has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with 
its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties 
enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true lib- 
erty. The basis of our political systems is the 
right of the people to make and to alter their con- 
stitutions of government. But the constitution 



342 THE LIFE OF 

which at any time exists, until changed by an ex- 
plicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sac- 
redly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the 
power and the right of the people to establish a 
government, presupposes the duty of every indi- 
vidual to obey the established government. 

" All obstructions to the execution of the laws, 
all combinations and associations, under whatever 
plausible character, with the real design to direct, 
control, counteract, or awe the regular delibera- 
tions and action of the constituted authorities, are 
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of 
fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction ; 
to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; to 
put in the place of the delegated will of the na- 
tion, the will of a party, often a small, but artful 
and enterprising minority of the community ; and 
according to the alternate triumphs of different 
parties, to make the public administration the 
mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous proj- 
ects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent 
and wholesome plans, digested by common coun- 
cils, and modified by mutual interests. 

" However combinations or associations of the 
above description may now and then answer pop- 
ular ends, they are likely, in the course of time 
and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343 

be enabled to subvert the power of the people, 
and to usurp for themselves the reins of govern- 
ment ; destroying afterward the very engines 
which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 

" Toward the preservation of your govern- 
ment, and the permanency of your present happy 
state, it is requisite not only that you steadily dis- 
countenance irregular oppositions to its acknowl- 
edged authority, but also that you resist with care 
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, how- 
ever specious the pretexts. One method of as- 
sault may be to effect in the forms of the consti- 
tution alterations which will impair the energy of 
the system, and thus to undermine what cannot 
be directly overthrown. In ail the changes to 
which you may be invited, remember that time 
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true 
character of governments, as of other human in- 
stitutions ; that experience is the surest standard, 
by which to test the real tendency of the existing 
constitution of a country ; that facility^ in changes 
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, 
exposes to perpetual change from the endless va- 
riety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, 
especially, that for the efficient management of 
your common interests, in a country so extensive 
as ours, a government of as much vigour as is con- 
sistent with the perfect security of liberty, is in- 



344 TIIE LIFE of 

dispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a 
government, with powers properly distributed and 
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little 
else than a name, where the government is too 
feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to 
confine each member of the society within the 
limits preseribed bv the laws, and to maintain all 
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights 
of person and property. 

" I have already intimated to you the danger 
of parties in the state, with particular references 
to the founding of them on geographical discrim- 
inations. Let me now take a more comprehen- 
sive view, and warn you in the most solemn man- 
ner against the baneful effects of the spirit of 
party, generally. 

" This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from 
our nature, having its root in the strongest pas- 
sions of the human mind. It exists under differ- 
ent shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, 
controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the pop- 
ular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is 
truly their worst enemy. 

" The alternate domination of one faction over 
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, nat- 
ural to party dissension, which in different ages 
and countries has perpetrated the most horrid 
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



345 



this leads at length to a more formal and perma- 
nent despotism. The disorders and miseries 
which result, gradually incline the minds of men 
to seek security and repose in the absolute power 
of an individual ; and sooner or later the chief of 
some prevailing faction, more able or more fortu- 
nate than his competitors, turns this disposition to 
the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of 
public liberty. 

" Without looking forward to an extremity of 
this kind, which nevertheless ought not to be en- 
tirely out of sight, the common and continual mis- 
chiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to make 
it the interest and duty of a wise people to discour- 
age and restrain it. 

" It serves always to distract the public coun- 
cils, and enfeeble the public administration. It 
agitates the community with ill founded jealousies 
and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one 
part against another ; foments occasional riot aad 
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influ- 
ence and corruption, which find a facilitated access 
to the government itself, through the channels of 
party passions. Thus the policy and the will of 
one country, are subjected to the policy and will 
of another. 

" There is an opinion that parties in free coun- 
tries are useful checks upon the administration of 
45 



346 



THE LIFE OF 



the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit 
of liberty. This, within certain limits, is proba- 
bly true ; and in governments of a monarchical 
cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not 
with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those 
of the popular character, in governments purely 
elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From 
their natural tendency, it is certain there will al- 
ways be enough of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose. And there being constant danger of ex- 
cess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opin- 
ion, to mitigate and assuage it. A lire not to be 
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to pre- 
vent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warm- 
ing, it should consume. 

" It is important, likewise, that the habits of 
thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution 
in those intrusted with its administration, to con- 
fine themselves within their respective constitu- 
tional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the pow- 
ers of one department to encroach upon another. 
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate 
the powers of all the departments in one, and thus 
to create, whatever the form of government, a real 
despotism. A just estimate of that love of pow- 
er, and proneness to abuse it, which predominate 
in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of 
the truth of this position. The necessity of recip- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



347 



rocal checks in the exercise of political power, by 
dividing and distributing it into different deposi- 
tories, and constituting each the guardian of the 
public weal against invasions of the others, has 
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; 
some of them in our country and under our own 
eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as 
to institute them. If, in the opinion of the peo- 
ple, the distribution or modification of the consti- 
tutional powers, be in any particular wrong, let it 
be corrected by an amendment in the way which 
the constitution designates. But let there be no 
change by usurpation ;' for though this, in one in- 
stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the 
customary weapon by which free governments are 
destroyed. The precedent must always greatly 
overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or 
transient benefit which the use can at any time 
yield. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead 
to political prosperity, religion and morality are 
indispensable supports. In vain would that man 
claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour 
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; 
these firmest props of the duties of men and citi- 
zens. The mere politician, equally with the pi- 
ous man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
A volume could not trace ail their connexions 



348 



THK LIFE OF 



with private and public felicity. Let it simply be 
asked, where is the security for property, for rep- 
utation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation 
desert the oaths, which are the instruments of in- 
vestigation in courts of justice ? And let us with 
caution indulge the supposition, that morality can 
be maintained without religion. Whatever may 
be conceded to the influence of refined education 
on minds of peculiar structure, reason and expe- 
rience both forbid us to expect that national mo- 
rality can prevail in exclusion of religious princi- 
ples. 

" It is substantially true,* that virtue or morali- 
ty is a necessary spring of popular government. 
The rule indeed extends with more or less force 
to every species of free government. Who that 
is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference 
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fab 
ric ? 

" Promote, then, as an object of primary im- 
portance, institutions for the general diffusion of 
knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a 
government gives force to public opinion, it is 
essential that public opinion should be enlight 
ened. 

" As a very important source of strength and 
security, cherish public credit. One method of 
preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



:WJ 



avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace ; 
but remembering also, that timely disbursements 
to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much 
greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding like 
wise the accumulation of debt, not only by shun 
ning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exer- 
tions in time of peace, to discharge the debts 
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not 
ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden 
which we ourselves ought to bear. The execu- 
tion of these maxims belongs to your representa- 
tives ; but it is necessary that public opinion 
should co-operate. To facilitate to them the per- 
formance of their duty, it is essential that you 
should practically bear in mind, that toward the 
payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to 
have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes 
can be devised which are not more or less incon- 
venient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embar- 
rassment inseparable from the selection of the prop- 
er objects, which is always a choice of difficulties, 
ought to be a decisive motive for a candid con- 
struction of the conduct of the government in mak- 
ing it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the meas- 
ures for obtaining revenue which the public exi- 
gencies may at any time dictate. 

" Observe good faith and justice toward all na- 
tions ; cultivate peace and harmony with all ; re- 



350 T1IL LIFE OF 

ligion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can 
it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? 
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no 
distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind 
the magnanimous and too novel example of a peo- 
ple always guided by an exalted justice and be- 
nevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 
time and things the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantages which 
might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can 
it be, that Providence has not connected the per- 
manent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The 
experiment, at least, is recommended by every 
sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! 
is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is 
more essential than that permanent inveterate an- 
tipathies against particular nations, and passionate 
attachments for others, should be excluded ; and 
that in place of them, just and amicable feelings 
toward all should be cultivated. The nation 
which indulges toward another an habitual hatred, 
or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. 
It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, 
either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from 
its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one na- 
tion against another, disposes each more readily 
to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight 



GEORGE AVASHINGTON. 



351 



causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intrac- 
table, when accidental or trifling occasions of dis- 
pute occur. 

" Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenom- 
ed and bloody contests. The nation, prompted 
by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to 
war the government, contrary to the best calcula- 
tions of policy. The government sometimes par- 
ticipates in the national propensity, and adopts 
through passion, what reason would reject ; at oth- 
er times, it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
servient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, 
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious mo- 
tives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the 
liberty of nations, has been the victim. 

u So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one 
nation for another, produces a variety of evils. 
Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the ; 
illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases 
where no real common interest exists, and infus- 
ing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the 
former into a participation in the quarrels and wars 
of the latter, without adequate inducements or jus- 
tification. It leads also to concessions to the fa- 
vourite nation, of privileges denied to others, which 
are apt doubly to injure the nation making the 
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what 
ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jeal- 



352 



THE LIFE 01 



ousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the 
parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; 
and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded 
citizens, who devote themselves to the favourite 
nation, facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests 
of their own country, without odium, sometimes 
even with popularity ; gilding with the appearan- 
ces of a virtuous sense of obligation a commenda- 
ble deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal 
for public good, the base or foolish compliances 
of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

" As avenues to foreign influence in innumera- 
ble ways, such attachments are particularly alarm- 
ing to the truly enlightened and independent pat- 
riot. How many opportunities do they afford to 
tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts 
of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influ- 
ence or awe the public councils ! Such an attach 
ment of a small or weak, toward a great and pow 
crful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite 
of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of for- 
eign influence, I conjure you to believe me, fellow- 
citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be 
constantly awake ; since history and experience 
prove that foreign influence is one of .the most 
baneful foes of republican government. But that 
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it 
becomes the instrument of the very influence to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353 

be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Ex- 
cessive partiality for one foreign nation, and ex- 
cessive dislike of another, cause those whom they 
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve 
to veil and even second the arts of influence on 
the other. Real patriots, who may resist the in- 
trigues of the favourite, are liable to become sus- 
pected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp 
the applause and confidence of the people, to sur- 
render their interests. 

" The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to 
foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial 
relations, to have with them as little political con- 
nexion as possible. So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with per- 
fect good faith. Here let us stop. 

" Europe has a set of primary interests, which 
to us have none, or a very remote, relation. Hence 
she must be engaged in frequent controversies, 
the causes of which are essentially foreign to our 
concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in 
us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the 
ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordina- 
ry combinations and collisions of her friendships 
or enmities. 

" Our detached and distant situation, invites 

and enables us to pursue a different course. If 

we remain one people, under an efficient govern- 
46 



354 THE LIFE Ol 

meat, the period is not far oft, when we may defy 
material injury from external annoyance ; when 
we may take such an attitude as will cause the 
neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to 
be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent na- 
tions, under the impossibility of making acquisi- 
tions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving 
us provocation ; when we may choose peace or 
war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall coun- 
sel. 

" Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a 
situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon for- 
eign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny 
with that of any part of Europe, entangle our 
peace and prosperity in the toils of European am- 
bition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice ? 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of perma- 
nent alliances with any portion of the foreign 
world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to 
do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of 
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I 
hold the maxim no less applicable to public than 
to private affairs, that honesty is always the best 
policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- 
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But 
in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be un- 
wise, to extend them. 

" Taking care always to keep ourselves, by 
suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



355 



posture, we may safely trust to temporary allian- 
ces for extraordinary emergencies. 

" Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all 
nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, 
and interest. But even our commercial policy 
should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither 
seeking nor granting exclusive favours or prefer- 
ences ; consulting the natural course of things ; 
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means, the 
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; estab- 
lishing, with powers so disposed ; in order to give 
trade a stable course, to define the rights of our 
merchants, and to enable the government to sup- 
port them ; conventional rules of intercourse, the 
best that present circumstances and mutual opin- 
ion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be 
from time to time abandoned or varied, as experi- 
ence and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly 
keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to 
look for disinterested favours from another; that 
it must pay with a portion of its independence for 
whatever it may accept under that character ; that 
by such acceptance, it may place itself in the con- 
dition of having given equivalents for nominal fa- 
vours, and yet of being reproached with ingrati- 
tude for not giving more. There can be no great- 
er error than to expect or calculate upon real fa- 
vours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which 



356 



THE LIFE 01 



experience must cure, which a just pride ought 
to discard. 

" In offering to you, my countrymen, these 
counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare 
not hope they will make the strong and lasting im- 
pression I could wish ; that they will control the 
usual current of the passions, or prevent our na- 
tion from running the course which has hitherto 
marked the destiny of nations. But if I may ev- 
en flatter myself, that they may be productive of 
some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that 
they may now and then recur to moderate the fury 
of party spirit ; to warn against the mischiefs of 
foreign intrigue ; to guard against the impostures 
of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full 
recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by 
which they have been dictated. 

" How far, in the discharge of my official du- 
ties, I have been guided by the principles which 
have been delineated, the public records and other 
evidences of my conduct must witness to you and 
to the world. To myself, the assurance of my 
own conscience is, that I have at least believed my- 
self to be guided by them. 

" In relation to the still subsisting war in Eu- 
rope, my proclamation of the 22d. of April, 1793. 
is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your ap- 
proving voice, and by that of your representatives 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357 

in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that meas- 
ure has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by 
any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

" After deliberate examination, with the aid of 
the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied 
that our country, under all the circumstances of 
the case, had a right to take, and was bound in du- 
ty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having 
taken it, I determined, as far as should depend up- 
on me, to maintain it with moderation, persever- 
ance, and firmness. 

" The considerations which respect the right to 
hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occa- 
sion to detail. I will only observe, that according 
to my understanding of the matter, that right, so 
far from being denied by any of the belligerent 
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

" The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be 
inferred, without any thing more, from the obli- 
gation which justice and humanity impose on ev- 
ery nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to 
maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity 
toward other nations. 

" The inducements of interest for observing 
that conduct will best be referred to your own re- 
flections and experience. With me, a predomi- 
nant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to 
our country to settle and mature its yet recent in- 
stitutions, and to progress, without interruption, 



358 



THE LIFE OE 



to that degree of strength and consistency, which 
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the com- 
mand of its own fortunes. 

" Though in reviewing the incidents of my ad- 
ministration, I am unconscious of intentional er- 
ror ; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects 
not to think it probable that I may have commit- 
ted many errors. Whatever ihey may be, I fer- 
vently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
the evils to which they may tend. I shall also 
carry with me the hope that my country will never 
cease to view them with indulgence ; and that af- 
ter forty five years of my life dedicated to its ser- 
vice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompe- 
tent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as my- 
self must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

" Relying on its kindness in this as in other 
things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it, 
which is so natural to a man who views in it the 
native soil of himself and his progenitors for sev- 
eral generations ; I anticipate with pleasing expec- 
tation that retreat, in which I promise myself to 
realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par- 
taking, in the midst of my fellowcitizens, the be- 
nign influence of good laws under a free govern- 
ment ; the ever favourite object of my heart, and 
the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, 
labours, and dangers. 

" United States* Sept. 17, 1796 " 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



359 



This valedictory address of the father of his 
country, was received in every part of the union 
with the most unbounded veneration, and record 
ed with the most pointed respect. Shortly after, 
the president, for the last time, met the national 
legislature in the senate chamber. His address on 
the occasion was highly dignified. He congratu- 
lated Congress on the internal situation of the 
United States ; on the progress which had been 
made for preserving peace with the Indians, and 
meliorating their condition ; and, after stating the 
measures which had been adopted in execution of 
the treaties with Britain, Spain, and Algiers, and 
the negotiations which were pending with Tunis 
and Tripoli, he observed ; " To an active exter- 
nal commerce, the protection of a naval force is in- 
dispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars 
in which a state is itself a party. But beside this, 
it is in our own experience, that the most sincere 
neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the dep- 
redations of nations at war. To secure respect to 
a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized 
and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. 
This may even prevent the necessity of going to 
war, by discouraging belligerent powers from com- 
mitting such violations of the rights of the neutral 
party, as may first or last leave no other option. 
From the best information I have been able tool) 



360 THE LTFK 0] , 

tain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediter- 
ranean, without a protecting force, will always be 
insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calami- 
ties from which numbers of them have but just 
been relieved. 

" These considerations invite the United States 
to look to the means, and to set about the gradu- 
al creation of a navy. The increasing progress of 
their navigation, promises them at no distant peri- 
od, the requisite supply of stamen, and their means 
in other respects, favour the undertaking. It is 
an encouragement likewise, that their particular 
situation will give weight and influence to a mod- 
erate naval force in their hands. Will it not then 
be adviseable to begin without delay, to provide 
and lay up the materials for the building and equip- 
ping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work 
by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall 
render it practicable, without inconvenience ; so 
that a future war of Europe may not find our com- 
merce in the same unprotected state in which it 
was found by the present ?" 

He then recommended the establishment of na- 
tional works for manufacturing implements of de- 
fence ; of an institution for the improvement of 
agriculture ; and pointed out the advantages of a 
military academy ; of a national university ; and 
the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the of- 
ficers of the United States. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



361 



In respect to the disputes with France, he ob- 
served ; " While in our external relations some 
serious inconveniences and embarrassments have 
been overcome, and others lessened, it is with 
much pain and deep regret I mention, that cir- 
cumstances of a very unwelcome nature have late- 
ly occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suf- 
fering, extensive injuries in the West Indies, from 
the cruisers and agents of the French republic ; 
and communications have been received from its 
minister here, which indicate the danger of a fur- 
ther disturbance of our commerce by its authority ; 
and which are in other respects far from agreea- 
ble. 

" It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest 
wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to 
maintain cordial harmony, and a perfectly friend- 
ly understanding with that republic. This wish 
remains unabated, and I shall persevere in the en- 
deavour to fulfil it, to the utmost extent of what 
shall be consistent with a just and indispensable 
regard to the rights and honour of our country ; 
nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation, 
that a spirit of justice, candour, and friendship, on 
the part of the republic, will eventually ensure suc- 
cess. 

" In pursuing this course, however, I cannot 
forget what is due to the character of our govern - 
47 



362 



THE LIFE OF 



ment and nation, or to a full and entire confidence 
in the good sense, patriotism, self respect, and for- 
titude of my countrymen." 

This address was concluded in the following 
pathetic terms ; 

" The situation in which I now stand for the last 
time, in the midst of the representatives of the peo- 
ple of the United States, naturally recalls the peri- 
od when the administration of the present form of 
government commenced ; and I cannot omit the 
occasion to congratulate you and my country on 
the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my 
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the 
universe, and sovereign arbiter of nations, that his 
providential care may still be extended to the Unit- 
ed States ; that the virtue and happiness of the 
people may be preserved ; and that the govern- 
ment which they have instituted for the protection 
of their liberties may be perpetual." 



george Washington. 



363 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring Writes to the Secre- 
tary of State, denying the authenticity of letters said to he from him 
to J. P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1770 ... Pays respect to his 

suecc.-sor, Mr. John Adams Review of Washington's administration. 

He retires to Mount Vernon Resumes agricultural pursuits... .Hears 

v ith regret the aggression of the French republic Corresponds on 

the subject of his taking the command of an army to oppose the 

French ... Is appointed Lieutenant Genera! His commission is sent 

to him by the Secretary of War His letter to President Adams on 

the receipt thereof.. ...Directs the organization of the proposed army. 
Three Envoys Extraordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes 
with Bonaparte, after the overthrow of the Directory... .Gen. Wash- 
ington dies Is honoured by Congress, and by the citizens His 

character. 

The pleasing emotions which are excited in ordina- 
ry men on their acquisition of power, were inferi- 
or to those which Washington felt on the resigna- 
tion of it. To his tried friend, Gen. Knox, on the 
day preceding the termination of his office, he ob- 
served in a letter ; " To the weary traveller who 
sees a resting place, and is bending his body there- 
on, I now compare myself. Although the pros- 
pect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and 
I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, 
or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without 
regret at parting with, perhaps never more to meet, 
the few intimates whom I love. Among these be 
assured you are one." 



364 



11 IK LIFE OF 



The numerous calumnies of which Washington 
was the subject, drew from him no public animad- 
versions, except in one case. A volume of let- 
ters, said to be from Gen. Washington to John 
Parke Custis and Lund Washington, were pub- 
lished by the British, in the year 1776, and were 
given to the public as being found in a small port- 
manteau, left in the care of his servant, who it was 
said by the editors, had been taken prisoner in 
Fort Lee. These letters were intended to produce 
in the public mind, impressions unfavourable to 
the integrity of Washington's motives, and to rep- 
resent his inclinations as at variance with his pro- 
fession and duty. VS hen the first edition of these 
spurious letters was forgotten, they were repub- 
lished during Washington's civil administration, 
by some of his fellowcitizens who differed from 
him in politics. On the morning of the last day 
of his presidency, he addressed a letter to the Sec- 
retary of State, in which, after enumerating all the 
facts and dates connected with the forgery, and 
declaring that he had hitherto deemed it unneces- 
sary to take any formal notice of the imposition, 
he concluded as follows ; " But as I cannot know 
how soon a more serious event may succeed to 
that which will this day take place, I have thought 
it a duty that I owed to myself, to my country, 
and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



365 



recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the 
letters herein described, are a base forger)' ; and 
that I never saw or heard of them until they ap- 
peared in print. The present letter I commit to 
your care, and desire it may be deposited in the 
office of the department of state, as a testimony 
of the truth to the present generation and to pos- 
terity." 

The moment now approached which was to ter- 
minate the official character of Washington, and 
in which that of his successor, John Adams, was 
to commence. The old and new president walk- 
ed in together to the House of Representatives, 
where the oath of office was administered to the 
latter. On this occasion Mr. A.dams concluded 
an impressive speech with a handsome compli- 
ment to his predecessor, by observing, that though 
he was about to retire, " his name may still be a 
rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bul- 
wark against all open or secret enemies of his 
country." 

The immense concourse of citizens who were 
present, gazed with love and affection on the re- 
tiring Washington, while cheerfulness overspread 
his countenance and joy filled his heart, on seeing 
another invested with the high authorities he so 
long exercised, and the way opened for his return- 
ing to the long wished for happiness of domestic 



366 THE LIFE OF 

private life. After paying his most respectful 
compliments to the new president, he set out for 
Mount Vernon, the scene of enjoyment which he 
preferred to all others. His wishes to travel pri- 
vately were in vain ; for wherever he passed, the 
gentlemen of the country took every occasion of 
testifying their respect for him. In his retire- 
ment he continued to receive the most flattering 
addresses from legislative bodies, and various class- 
es of his fellowcitizens. 

During the eight years administration of Wash- 
ington, the United States enjoyed prosperity and 
happiness at home ; and, by the energy of the gov- 
ernment, regained among foreigners that impor- 
tance and reputation, which, by its weakness, they 
had lost. The debts contracted in the revolu- 
tionary war, which, from the imbecility of the old 
government, had depreciated to an insignificant 
sum, were funded ; and such ample revenues pro- 
vided for the payment of the interest and the grad- 
ual extinction of the principal, that their real and 
nominal value were in a little time nearly the same. 
The government was so firmly established as to 
be cheerfully and universally obeyed. The only 
exception was an insurrection in the western coun- 
ties of Pennsylvania, which was quelled without 
bloodshed. Agriculture and commerce were ex- 
tended far beyond what had ever before taken 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 367 

place. The Indians on the frontiers had been 
first compelled by force to respect the United 
States, and to continue in peace ; and afterward a 
humane system was commenced for teaching them 
to exchange the tomahawk and hatchet for the 
plough, the hoe, the shuttle, and the spinning-wheel. 
The free navigation of the Missisippi had been ac- 
quired with the consent of Spain, and all differen- 
ces compromised with that power. The military 
posts which had been long held by Britain within 
the United States, were peaceably given up. The 
Mediterranean was opened to American vessels in 
consequence of treaties made with the Barbary 
powers. Indeed, differences with all powers, eith- 
er contiguous to or connected with the United 
States, had been amicably adjusted, with the ex- 
ception of France. To accomplish this very de- 
sirable object, Washington made repeated advan- 
ces ; but it could not be obtained without surren- 
dering the independence of the nation, and its right 
of self government. 

Washington, on returning to Mount Vernon, 
resumed agricultural pursuits. These, with the 
society of men and books, gave to every hour in- 
nocent and interesting employment, and promised 
a serene evening of his life. Though he wished 
to withdraw not only from public office, but from 
all anxiety respecting public affairs, yet he felt too 



368 



THE LIFE OF 



much for his country to be indifferent to its inter- 
ests. He heard with regret the repeated insults 
offered by the French Directory to the United 
States, in the person of their ministers, and the in- 
jury done to their commerce b}^ illegal captures 
of their vessels. These indignities and injuries, 
after a long endurance and a rejection of all advan- 
ces for an accommodation, at length roused the 
government, in the hands of Mr. Adams, to adopt 
vigorous measures. To be in readiness to repel 
a threatened invasion, Congress authorized the for- 
mation of a regular army. As soon as the adop- 
tion of this measure was probable, the eyes of all 
were once more turned on Washington as the 
most suitable person to be at its head. Letters 
from his friends poured in upon him, urging that 
he shouid accept the command. To one from 
president Adams, in which it was observed ; " We 
must have your name if you will in any case per- 
mit us to use it ; there will be more efficacy in it, 
than in many an army." Washington replied as 
follows ; " At the epoch of my retirement, an in- 
vasion of these states oy any European power, or 
even the probability of such an event in my days, 
was so far from being contemplated by me, that I 
had no conception either that, or any other occur- 
rence, would arrive in so short a period, which 
could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 369 

Vernon. But this seems to be the age of won- 
ders ; and it is reserved for intoxicated and law- 
less France, for purposes far beyond the reach of 
human ken, to slaughter her own citizens, and to 
disturb the repose of all the world beside. From 
a view of the past ; from the prospect of the pres- 
ent ; and of that which seems to be expected, it 
is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the 
part it might best become me to act. In case of 
actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly 
should not intrench myself under the cover of age 
and retirement, if my services should be required 
by my country to assist in repelling it. And if 
there be good cause to expect such an event, 
which certainly must be better known to the gov- 
ernment than to private citizens, delay in prepar- 
ing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to 
be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, how- 
ever, of the latter, in my mind, creates my em- 
barrassment ; for I cannot bring it to believe, re- 
gardless as the French are of treaties and of the 
laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to 
be of any species of despotism and injustice, that 
they will attempt to invade this country, after such 
a uniform and unequivocal expression of the de- 
termination of the people in all parts to oppose 
them with their lives and fortunes. That they 
have been led to believe by their agents and par- 
48 



370 



THE LIFE OF 



tisans among us, that we are a divided people ; 
that the latter are opposed to their own govern- 
ment ; and that the show of a small force would 
occasion a revolt, I have no doubt ; and how far 
these men, grown desperate, will further attempt 
to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the de- 
ception, is problematical. Without that, the folly 
of the Director} in sueh an attempt would, I con- 
ceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their 
wiekedness. 

" Having with candour made this disclosure of 
the state of my mind, it remains only for me to 
add, that to those who know me best it is best 
known, that should imperious circumstances in- 
duce me to exchange once more the smooth paths 
of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at 
a period too when repose is more congenial to na- 
ture, that it would be productive of sensations 
which can be more easily conceived than express- 
ed." 

To the Secretary of War, writing on the same 
subject, Washington replied ; " It cannot be nec- 
essary for me to premise to you, or to others who 
know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquillity 
of retirement, and enter the boundless field of re- 
sponsibility, would be productive of sensations 
which a better pen than I possess would find it 
difficult to describe. Nevertheless, the principle 



GEORGE WASMINGTOX. 



371 



by which my conduct has been actuated through 
life, would not suffer me, in any great emergency, 
to withhold any services I could render when re- 
quired by my country ; especially in a case where 
its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition 
and intoxicated power, in contempt of every prin- 
ciple of justice, and in violation of solemn com- 
pact, and of laws which govern all civilized na- 
tions ; and this too with the obvious intent to sow 
thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of sub- 
jugating our government, and destroying our in- 
dependence and happiness. 

" Under circumstances like these, accompanied 
by an actual invasion of our territory, it would be 
difficult for me at any time to remain an idle spec- 
tator, under the plea of age or retirement. With 
sorrow, it is true, I should quit the shades of my 
peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness I now 
enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to 
which possibly my strength and powers might be 
found incompetent. These, however, should not 
be stumbling blocks in my own way." 

President Adams nominated Washington with 
the rank of Lieutenant General, to the chief com- 
mand of all the armies raised and to be raised in 
the United States. His commission was sent to 
him by Mr. M'Henry, the Secretary of War, who 
was directed to repair to -Mount Vernon, and to 



372 



THK LIFF OF 



confer on -the arrangements of the new army with 
its commander in chief. To the letter which pres- 
ident Adams sent with the commission by the 
Secretary of War, Washington, in two days, re- 
plied as follows ; 

" I had the honour, on the evening of the 11th. 
instant, to receive from the hand of the Secretary 
of War, your favour of the 7th. announcing that 
you had, with the advice and consent of the Sen- 
ate, appointed me ' Lieutenant General and Com- 
mander in Chief, of all the armies raised, or to be 
raised, for the service of the United States.' 

" I cannot express how greatly affected I am at 
this new proof of public confidence, and the high- 
ly flattering manner in which you have been pleas- 
ed to make the communication. At the same time 
I must not conceal from you my earnest wish, that 
the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in 
years, and better qualified to encounter the usual 
vicissitudes of war. 

" You know, sir, what calculation I had made 
relative to the probable course of events, on my 
retiring from office, and the determination I had 
consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my 
days in my present peaceful abode. You will 
therefore be at no loss to conceive and appreciate 
the sensations I must have experienced, to bring 
my mind to any conclusion that would pledge 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



373 



me, at so late a period of life, to leave scenes I 
sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field 
of public action, incessant trouble, and high re- 
sponsibility. 

" It was not possible for me to remain ignorant 
of, or indifferent to, recent transactions. The 
conduct of the Directory of France, toward our 
country ; their insidious hostility to its govern- 
ment ; their various practices to withdraw the af- 
fections of the people from it ; the evident tenden- 
cy of their acts, and those of their agents, to coun- 
tenance and invigorate opposition ; their disregard 
of solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their 
war upon our defenceless commerce ; their treat- 
ment of our ministers of peace ; and their de- 
mands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to ex- 
cite in me corresponding sentiments with those 
my countrymen have so generally expressed in 
their affectionate addresses to you. Believe me, 
sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise 
and prudent measures of your administration. 
They ought to inspire universal confidence, and 
will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, 
call from Congress such laws and means, as will 
enable you to meet the full force and extent of the 
crisis. 

" Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely 
wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhaust- 



374 



THE LIFE OF 



ed, to the last drop, the cup of reconciliation, we 
can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the jus- 
tice of our cause ; and may confidently trust the 
final result to that kind Providence who has here- 
tofore, and so often, signally favoured the people 
of these United States. 

" Thinking in this manner, and feeling how in- 
cumbent it is upon every person of every descrip- 
tion, to contribute at all times to his country's 
welfare, and especially in a moment like the pres- 
ent, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is 
so seriously threatened ; I have finally determined 
to accept the commission of Commander in Chief 
of the armies of the United States ; with the re- 
serve only, that I shall not be called into the field 
until the army is in a situation to require my pres- 
ence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency 
of circumstances. 

" In making this reservation, I beg it to be un- 
derstood, that I do not mean to withhold any as- 
sistance to arrange and organize the army, which 
you may think I can afford. I take the liberty 
also to mention, that I must decline having my 
acceptance considered as drawing after it any 
immediate charge upon the public ; or that I can 
receive any emoluments annexed to the appoint- 
ment, before entering into a situation to incur ex- 
pense." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375 

The time of Washington after the receipt of this 
appointment, was divided between agricultural 
pursuits, and the cares and attentions which were 
imposed by his new office. The organization of 
the army was, in a great measure, left to him. 
Much of his time was employed in making a prop- 
er selection of officers, and arranging the whole 
army in the best possible manner to meet the in- 
vaders at the water's edge ; for he contemplated a 
system of continued attack, and frequently observ- 
ed, " that the enemy must never be permitted to 
gain foothold on the shores of the United States." 
Yet he always thought that an actual invasion of 
the country was very improbable. He believed 
that the hostile measures of France took their rise 
from an expectation that these measures would 
produce a revolution of power in the United States, 
favourable to the views of the French republic ; 
and that when the spirit of the Americans was 
roused, the French would give up the contest. 
Events soon proved that these opinions were well 
founded ; for no sooner had the United States 
armed, than they were treated with respect, and 
an indirect communication was made that France 
would acommodate all matters in dispute on reas- 
onable terms. Mr. Adams embraced these over- 
tures, and made a second appointment of three en- 
voys extraordinary to the French republic. These, 



376 



THE LIFE OF 



on repairing to France, found the Directory over- 
thrown, and the government in the hands of Bo- 
naparte, who had taken no part in the disputes 
which had brought the two countries to the verge 
of war. With him negotiations were commenc- 
ed, and soon terminated in a pacific settlement of 
all differences. The joy to which this event gave 
birth was great ; but in it General Washington 
did not partake, for before accounts arrived of this 
amicable adjustment, he ceased to be numbered 
with the living. 

On the 13th. of December, 1799, his neck and 
hair were sprinkled with a light rain, while he was 
out of doors attending to some improvements on 
his estate. In the following night he was seized 
with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe, at- 
tended with pain, and a difficult deglutition, which 
was soon succeeded by fever, and a laborious res- 
piration. He was bled in the night, but would not 
permit his family physician to be sent for before 
day. About 11 o'clock, a. m. Dr. Craik arrived, 
and rightly judging that the case was serious, rec- 
ommended that two consulting physicians should 
be sent for. The united powers of all three were 
in vain ; in about twenty four hours from the time 
he was in his usual health, he expired without a 
struggle, and in the perfect use of his reason. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



377 



In every stage of his disorder he believed that 
he should die, and he was so much under tins im- 
pression, that he submitted to the prescriptions of 
his physicians more from a sense of duty than ex- 
pectation of relief. After he had given them a tri- 
al, he expressed a wish that he nvght be permit- 
ted to die without farther interruption. Toward 
the close of his illness, he undressed himself and 
went to bed, to die there. To his friend and phy- 
sician, Dr. Cra k, he said, " I am dying, and have 
been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to 
die." The equanimity which attended h m through 
life, did not forsake him in death. He was the 
same in that moment as in all the pas-t, magnani- 
mous and firm ; confiding in the mercy and re- 
signed to the will of Heaven. He submitted to 
the inevitable stroke with the dignity of a man, 
the calmness of a philosopher, the resignation and 
confidence of a christian. 

On the 18th. his body, attended by military hon- 
ours and the offices of religion,, was deposited in 
the family vault on his estate. 

When intelligence reached Congress of the death 
of Washington, they instantly adjourned until the 
next day, when John Marshall, then a member of 
the House of Representatives, and since Chef Jus- 
tice of the Un ted States, and biographer of Wash- 
ington, addressed the speaker in the following words ; 
49 



I 111 I II T 01 

"The melancholy event which was yesterday 
announced with doubt, lus beenrendered but too 
certain. Our \\ ashington is no more. The hero. 
the patriot, and the sage of America ; the man on 
\ .1 in times of danger everj eye was turned, 
and .ill hopes were placed, lives now onh in his 
own great actions, and m the hearts of an aflfec* 
donate and affl cted people, 
" If. sir, it had even not been usual openly to 
ct for the memory oi' those whom 
1L aven has st - fordispens- 

pood to m.m. yet such has been the uncom- 
mon wt>rth, and such the extraordinary 
which have marked the life o( him whose loss we 
all deplore, that the whole American nation, im- 

wouid call \\ tth one 
. station oi' that sorroM . 
which i> so d so univt real, 

•• More than am other individual, and as much 
individui as ssi - . has he contribu- 
te found this our \\ de spreading empire, and 

o the western world, independence and 

Mil. 

•• 11 \ ted the great h he 

was ced at the head of our armies, we have 

\ert the sword into the ploughshare, 

and sink the soldier into the < 



GEORGE w vsium; I <>\ : > 79 

l < When the debility of our federarsystcm had 
become manifest, and t lu bonds which connected 
this vast continent were dissolving, we ha^ve sun 
him tin- chief ofthose patriots who formed for us 
a constitution, which, by preserving the union, 

Will, I trust, substantiate ami perpetuate those 

blessings which our revolution had promised to 
bestow. 

it In obedience to the general voice of Ins conn 
try, calling him to preside over a great people, we 
have seen him once more quit the retirement he 
loved, and in a season more storm} and tempes- 
tuous than war itself, with calm and wise deter 
munition pursue the true interests of the nation, 
and contribute more than any other could contrib 
ute, to the establishment of that system of policy, 
which will, [ trust, yet preserve our peace, our 
honour, and our independence. 

11 Having been twice unanimously chosen the 
chiel magistrate <>l a free people, we have seen 

him, at a time when his re-election with nniwr 

sal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the 
world a rare instance of moderation, by withdraw- 
ing horn his station to the peaceful walks of pri- 
vate life. 
ti However the public confidence may change, 

and the public allictions fluctuate with respect to 
Others, with respect to him they have, iii war and 



380 



THK LIFE OF 



in peace, in public and in private life, been as 
steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his 
own exalted virtues. 

" Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last trib- 
ute of respect and affection to our departed friend. 
Let the grand council of the nation display those 
sentiments which the nation feels. For this pur- 
pose I hold in my hand some resolutions which I 
take the liberty of offering to the house. 

" Resolved, That thib House will wait on the 
president, in condolence of this mournful event. 

" Resolved, That the speaker's chair be shroud- 
ed with black, and that the members and officers 
of the house wear black during the session. 

" Resolved, That a committee, in conjunction 
with one from the Senate, be appointed to cons d- 
er on the most suitable manner of paying honour 
to the memory of the man, first in war, first in 
peace, and first in the hearts of hisfellowcitizens." 
The Senate of the United States, on this melan- 
choly occasion, addressed to the president a letter 
in these words ; 

" The Senate of the United States respectfully 
take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret 
for the loss their country sustains in the death of 
Gen. George Washington. 

" This event, so distressing to all our fellowcit- 
izens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



381 



long been associated with him in deeds of patriot- 
ism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with 
yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep. To 
lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common 
calamity to the world. Our country mourns a 
father. The Almighty Disposer of human events, 
has taken from us our greatest benefactor and or- 
nament. It becomes us to submit with reverence 
to him 'who maketh darkness his pavillion.' 

" With patriotic pride we review the life of our 
Washington, and compare him with those of oth- 
er countries who have been pre-eminent in fame. 
Ancient and modern times are diminished before 
him. Greatness and guilt have too often been al- 
lied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. 
The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the 
majesty of his virtues. It reproved the intemper- 
ance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour 
of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no 
longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his 
glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his jour- 
ney, and carried with him an increasing weight of 
honour ; he has deposited it safely where misfor- 
tune cannot tarnish it ; where malice cannot blast 
it. Favoured of Heaven, he departed without ex- 
hibiting the weakness of humanity. Magnanimous 
in death, the darkness of the grave could not ob- 
scure his brightness. 



382 



THE LIFE OF 



" Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks 
to God, his glory is consummated. Washington 
yet lives on earth in his spotless example ; his 
spirit is in heaven. 

" Let his countrymen consecrate the memory 
of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and 
the virtuous sage. Let them teach their children 
never to forget, that the fruits of his labours and 
his example are their inheritance." 

To this address, the president returned the fol- 
lowing answer ; 

" I receive with the most respectful and affec- 
tionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the 
obliging expressions of your regret for the loss 
our country has sustained in the death of her most 
esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. 

" In the multitude of my thoughts and recol- 
lections on this melancholy event, you will permit 
me to say, that I have seen him in the days of ad- 
versity, in some of the scenes of his deepest dis^- 
tress, and most trying perplexities. I have also 
attended him in his highest elevation, and most 
prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his 
wisdom, moderation, and constancy. 

" Among all our original associates in that mem- 
orable league of this continent, in 1774, which 
first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation 
in America, he was the only one remaining in the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



383 



general government. Although with a constitu- 
tion more enfeebled than his, at an age when he 
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I 
feel myself alone bereaved of my last brother, yet 
I derive a strong consolation from the unanimous 
disposition which appears in all ages and classes, 
to mingle their sorrows with mine, on this common 
calamity to the world. 

" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by 
a comparison with those of other countries, who 
have been most celebrated and exalted by lame. 
The attributes and decorations of royalty, could 
only have served to eclipse the majesty of those 
virtues which made him, from being a modest cit- 
izen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, 
had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glo- 
ry only with those superficial minds who, believ- 
ing that character and actions are marked by suc- 
cess alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice 
could never blast his honour, and envy made him 
a singular exception to her universal rule. For 
himself, he had lived long enough to life and to 
glory ; for his fellowcitizens, if their prayers could 
have been answered, he would have been immor- 
tal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate 
moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and 
righteous dominion of Providence over the pas- 
sions of men and the results of their actions, as 



384 



THE LIFE OF 



well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but 
hu mble resignation. 

" His example is now complete ; and it will 
teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, 
and men, not only in the present age, but in future 
generations, as long as our history shall be read. 
If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aureiius can 
never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." 

The committee of both houses appointed to de- 
vise the mode by which the nation should express 
its grief, reported the following resolutions, which 
were unanimously adopted. 

" Resolved, bij the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States of 'America, in Con- 
gress assembled, That a marble monument be erect- 
ed by the United States at the capitol of the city 
of Washington, and that the family of General 
Washington be requested to permit his body to be 
deposited under it, and that the monument be so 
designed as to commemorate the great events of 
his military and political life. 

" And be it further resolved, that there be a fu- 
neral procession from Congress Hall, to the Ger- 
man Lutheran church, in memory of Gen. George 
Washington, on Thursday the 26th. instant, and 
that an oration be prepared at the request of Con- 
gress, to be delivered before both houses that day ; 
and that the president of the Senate, and speaker 



GEORGE WASHINGTON'. 



385 



of the House of Representatives, be desired to re- 
quest one of the members of Congress to prepare 
and deliver the same. 

" And be it further resolved, that it be recom- 
mended to the people of the United States, to wear 
crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty 
days. 

" And be it further resolved, that the president 
of the United States be requested to direct a copy 
of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. 
Washington, assuring her of the profound respect 
Congress will ever bear for her person and char- 
acter, of their condolence on the late affecting dis- 
pensation of Providence ; and entreating her as- 
sent to the interment of the remains of Gen. Wash- 
ington in the manner expressed in the first reso- 
lution. 

" And be it further resolved, that the president 
of the United States be requested to issue his proc- 
lamation, notifying to the people throughout the 
United States, the recommendation contained in 
the third resolution." 

To the letter of president Adams, which trans- 
mitted to Mrs. Washington the resolution of Con- 
gress that she should be requested to permit the 
remains of Gen. Washington to be deposited un- 
der a marble monument, to be erected in the city 
of Washington, she replied very much in the style 
50 



386 THE LIFE OF 

and manner of her departed husband, and in the 
following words ; " Taught by the great example 
which I have so long had before me, never to op- 
pose my private wishes to the public will, I must 
consent to the request made by Congress, which 
you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and 
in doing this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sac- 
rifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of pub- 
lic duty." 

The honours paid to Washington at the seat of 
government, were but a small part of the whole. 
Throughout the United States, the citizens gener- 
ally expressed, in a variety of ways, both their 
grief and their gratitude. Their heartfelt distress 
resembled the agony of a large and affectionate 
family, when a bereaved wife and orphan children 
mingle their tears for the loss of a husband and 
father. 

The people, from the impulse of their own 
minds, before they knew of similar intentions of 
their fellowcitizens, or of the resolutions of Con- 
gress for a general mourning, assembled and pass- 
ed resolutions, expressive of their high sense of 
the great worth of the deceased, and their grateful 
recollection of his important services. Orations 
were delivered, sermons preached, and elegies writ- 
ten, on the melancholy occasion. The best tal- 
ents of the nation were employed, both in prose 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 387 

and verse, in writing and speaking, to express the 
national grief, and to celebrate the deeds of the 
departed father of his country. In addition to the 
public honours which, in the preceding pages, have 
been mentioned as conferred on Washington in 
his life time, there were others of a private nature 
which flowed from the hearts of the people, and 
which neither wealth nor power could command. 
An infinity of children were called by his name. 
This was often done by people in the humble walks 
of life, who had never seen nor expected to see 
him ; and who could have no expectations of fa- 
vour from him. Villages, towns, cities, districts, 
counties, seminaries of learning, and other public 
institutions, were called Washington, in such num- 
bers, and in such a variety of places, that the name 
no longer answered the end of distinction, unless 
some local or appropriating circumstances were 
added to the common appellation. Adventurous 
mariners, who discovered islands or countries in 
unexplored regions, availing themselves of the 
privilege of discoverers, planted the name of the 
American Chief in the remotest corners of the 
e:lobe. 

The person of George Washington was uncom- 
monly tall. Mountain air, abundant exercise in 
the open country, the wholesome toils of the chase, 
and the delightful scenes of rural life, expanded 



188 



THE LIFE OF 



his limbs to an unusual, but graceful and well pro- 
portioned size. His exterior suggested to every 
beholder the idea of strength, united with manly 
gracefulness. His form was noble, and his port 
majestic. No man could approach him but with 
respect. His frame was robust, his constitution 
vigorous, and he was capable of enduring great fa- 
tigue. His passions were naturally strong ; with 
them was his first contest, and over them his first 
victory. Before he undertook to command oth- 
ers, he had thoroughly learned to command him- 
self. The powers of his mind were more solid 
than brilliant. Judgment was his forte. To vi- 
vacity, vvit, and the sallies of a lively imagination, 
he made no pretensions. His faculties resembled 
those of Aristotle, Bacon, Locke, and Newton ; 
but were very unlike those of Voltaire. Possess- 
ed of a large proportion of common sense, direct- 
ed by a sound practical judgment, he was better 
fitted for the exalted stations to which he was call- 
ed, than many others, who, to a greater brilliancy 
of parts, frequently add the eccentricities of ge- 
nius. 

Truth and utility were his objects. He steadi- 
ly pursueel, and generally attained them. With 
this view he thought much, and closely examined 
every subject on which he was to decide, in all its 
relations. Neither passion, party spirit, pride, prej- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 389 

udice, ambition, nor interest, influenced his delib- 
erations. In making up his mind on great occa- 
sions, many of which occurred in which the fate 
of the army or nation seemed involved, he sought 
for information from all quarters, revolved the sub- 
ject by night and by day,* and examined it in ev- 
ery point of view. Guided by these lights, and 
influenced by an honest and good heart, he was 
imperceptibly led to decisions which were wise 
and judicious. Perhaps no man ever lived who 
was so often called upon to form a judgment in 
cases of real difficulty, and who so often formed a 
right one. Engaged in the busy scenes of life, 
he knew human nature, and the most proper meth- 
ods of accomplishing proposed objects. Of a 
thousand propositions he knew to distinguish the 
best, and to select among a thousand the individ- 
ual most fitted for his purpose. 

As a military man, he possessed personal cour- 
age, and a firmness which neither danger nor diffi- 
culties could shake. His perseverance overcame 
every obstacle ; his moderation conciliated all op- 

* In a letter to Gen. Knox, written after the termination of the revo- 
lutionary war, Washington observed ; " Strange as it may seem, it is 
nevertheless true, that it was not until lately J could get the better of 
my usual custom of ruminating as soon as I awoke in the morning, on 
the business of the ensuing day ; and of my surprise at finding, after re- 
volving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a public man, or 
had any thing to do with public transactions." 



390 THE LIFE OE 

position ; his genius supplied every resource. 
He knew how to conquer by delay, and deserved 
true praise by despising unmerited censure. In- 
ferior to his adversary in the numbers, the equip- 
ment, and discipline of his troops, no great advan- 
tage was ever obtained over him, and no oppor- 
tunity to strike an important blow was ever neg- 
lected. In the most ardent moments of the con- 
test, his prudent firmness proved the salvation of 
his coiiRtry. 

The whole range of history does not present a 
character on which we can dwell with such entire 
unmixed admiration. His qualities were so hap- 
pily blended, and so nicely harmonized, that the 
result was a great and perfect whole. 

The integrity of Washington was incorruptible. 
His principles were free from the contamination 
of selfish and unworthy passions. His real and 
avowed motives were the same. His ends were 
always upright, and his means pure. He was a 
statesman without guile, and his professions, both 
to his fellowcitizens and to foreign nations, were 
always sincere. No circumstances ever induced 
him to use duplicity. He was an example of the 
distinction which exists between wisdom and cun- 
ning ; and his manly, open conduct, was an illus- 
tration of the soundness of the maxim, " that hon- 
esty is the best policy." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391 

The learning of Washington was of a particu- 
lar kind. He overstepped the tedious forms of 
the schools, and by the force of a correct taste and 
sound judgment, seized on the great ends of learn- 
ing, without the assistance of those means which 
have been contrived to prepare less active minds 
for public business. By a careful study of the 
English language ; by reading good models of fine 
writing, and above all, by the aid of a vigorous 
mind, he made himself master of a pure, elegant, 
and classical style. His composition was all nerve ; 
full of correct and manly ideas, which were ex- 
pressed in precise and forcible language. His an- 
swers to the innumerable addresses which on all 
public occasions poured in upon him, were prompt- 
ly made, handsomely expressed, and always con- 
tained something appropriate. His letters to Con- 
gress ; his addresses to that body on the accept- 
ance and resignation of his commission ; his gen- 
eral orders as Commander in Chief; his speeches 
and messages as president ; and above all, his two 
farewell addresses to the people of the United States, 
will remain lasting monuments of the goodness of 
his heart, of the wisdom of his head, and of the el- 
oquence of his pen. 

The powers of his mind were in some respects 
peculiar. He was a great, practical, self taught 
genius ; with a head to devise, and a hand to ex- 



392 



TIIK LIFE OF 



ecute, projects of the first magnitude and greatest 
utility. 

There are few men of any kind, and still fewer 
of those the world calls great, who have not some 
of their virtues eclipsed by corresponding vices. 
But this was not the case with Gen. Washington. 
He had religion without austerity, dignity without 
pride, modesty without diffidence, courage with- 
out rashness, politeness without affectation, affa- 
bility without familiarity. His private character, 
as well as his public one, will bear the strictest 
scrutiny. He was punctual in all his engagements ; 
upright and honest in his dealings ; temperate in 
his enjoyments ; liberal and hospitable to an emi- 
nent degree ; a lover of order ; systematical and 
methodical in all his arrangements. He was the 
friend of morality and religion ; steadily attended 
on public worship ; encouraged and strengthened 
the hands of the clergy. In all his public acts, 
he made the most respectful mention of Provi- 
dence ; and, in a word, carried the spirit of piety 
with him both in his private life and public ad- 
ministration. 

Washington had to form soldiers of freemen, 
many of whom had extravagant ideas of their per- 
sonal rights. He had often to mediate between a 
starving army, and a high spirited yeomanry. 
So great were the necessities of the soldiers under 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393 

his immediate command, that he was obliged to 
send out detachments to seize on the property of 
the fanfiiers at the point of the bayonet. The lan- 
guage of the soldier- was, " Give me clothing-, give 
me food, or I cannot fight, I cannot live." The 
language of the farmer was, " Protect my proper- 
ty." In this choice of difficulties, Gen. Washing- 
ton not only kept his army together, but conduct- 
ed With so much prudence as to command the ap- 
probation both of the army and of the citizens. 
He was also dependent for much of his support 
on the concurrence of thirteen distinct, unconnect- 
ed legislatures. Animosities prevailed between 
his southern and northern troops, and there were 
strong jealousies between the states from which 
they respectively came. To harmonize these 
clashing interests, to make uniform arrangements 
from such discordant sources and materials, re- 
quired no common share of address. Yet so great 
was the effect of the modest unassuming manners 
of Gen. Washington, that he retained the affection 
of all his troops, and of all the states. 

He also possessed equanimity in an eminent de- 
gree. One even tenour marked the greatness of 
his mind, in all the variety of scenes through which 
he passed. In the most trying situations he nev- 
er despaired, nor was he ever depressed. He was 
the same when retreating through Jersey from be- 
51 



394 



THE LIFE OF 



fore a victorious enemy with the remains of his 
broken army, as when marching in triumph into 
Yorktown, over its demolished fortifications. The 
honours and applause he received from his grate- 
ful countrymen, would have made almost any oth- 
er man giddy ; but on him they had no mischiev- 
ous effect. He exacted none of those attentions ; 
but when forced upon him, he received them as 
favours, with the politeness of a well bred man. 
He was great in deserving them, but much great- 
er in not being elated with them. 

The patriotism of Washington was of the most 
ardent kind, and without alloy. He was very dif- 
ferent from those noisy patriots, who, with love of 
country in their mouths, and hell in their hearts, 
lay their schemes for aggrandizing themselves at 
every hazard ; but he was one of those who love 
their country in sincerity, and who hold themselves 
bound to consecrate all their talents to its service. 
Numerous were the difficulties with which he had 
to contend. Great were the dangers he had to en- 
counter. Various were the toils and services in 
which he had to share ; but to all difficulties and 
dangers he rose superior. To all toils and servi- 
ces he cheerfully submitted for his country's good. 

In principle, Washington was a federal republi- 
can, and a republican federalist. Liberty and 
law, the rights of man, and the control of govern- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3"5 

ment, were equally dear to him ; and in his opin- 
ion, equally necessary to political happiness. He 
was devoted to that system of equal political rights 
on which the constitution of his country was found- 
ed ; but thought that real liberty could only be 
maintained by preserving the authority of the laws, 
and giving tone and energy to government. He 
conceived there was an immense difference be- 
tween a balanced republic and a tumultuous de- 
mocracy, or a faction calling themselves the peo- 
ple ; and a still greater between a patriot and a 
demagogue. He highly respected the deliberate 
sentiments of the people, but their sudden ebulli- 
tions made no impression on his well balanced 
mind. Trusting for support to the sober second 
thoughts of the nation, he had the magnanimity to 
pursue its real interests, in opposition to prevail- 
ing prejudices. He placed a proper value on pop- 
ular favour, but could never stoop to gain it by a 
sacrifice of duty, by artifice, or flattery. In criti- 
cal times he committed his well earned popularity 
to hazard, and steadily pursued the line of con- 
duct which was dictated by a sense of duty, against 
an opposing popular torrent. 

While war raged in Europe, the hostile nations 
would scarce endure a neutral. America Mas in 
great danger of being drawn by force or intrigue 
into the vortex. Strong parties in the United 



39.6 



THE LIFE OF 



States rendered the danger more imminent ; and 
it required a temperate, but inflexible government, 
to prevent the evil. In this trying state of things, 
Washington was not to be moved from the true 
interests of his country- His object was Ameri- 
ca, and her interest was to remain in peace. Fac- 
tion at home, and intrigue and menace from abroad, 
endeavoured to shake him, but in vain ; he re- 
mained firm and immoveable in the storm that sur- 
rounded him. Foreign intrigue was defeated, and 
foreign insolence was repressed by his address 
and vigour; while domestic faction, dashing against 
him, broke itself to pieces. He met the injustice 
both of Britain and France by negotiation, rather 
than by war, but maintained toward both, that firm 
attitude which was proper for the magistrate of a 
free state. He commanded their respect, and pre- 
served the tranquillity of his country. In his pub- 
lic character, he knew no nation but as friends in 
peace, as enemies in war. Toward one he for- 
got ancient animosities, when the recollection of 
them opposed the interests of his country. To- 
ward another, he renounced a fantastic gratitude, 
when it was claimed only to involve his nation in 
war. 

With Washington it was an invariable maxim 
of policy, to secure his country against the injus- 
tice of foreign nations, by being in a condition to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397 

command their respect, and punish their aggres- 
sions. The defence of our commerce, the fortifi- 
cation of the ports, and the organization of a mili- 
tary force, were objects to which he paid particu- 
lar attention. To the gradual formation of an 
American army, he was friendly ; and also to mil- 
itary institutions, wlvch are calculated to qualify 
the youth of the country for its defence. War he 
deprecated as a great evil, inferior only to the loss 
of honour and character ; but thought it was most 
easily avoided by being ready for it, while, by the 
practice of universal justice, none could have any 
real ground of complaint. In foreign transactions, 
his usual policy was to cultivate peace with all the 
world ; to observe treaties with pure and absolute 
faith ; to check every deviation from the line of 
impartiality ; to explain what was misapprehend- 
ed, and to correct what was injurious ; and then 
to insist upon justice being done to the nation 
over which he presided. In controversies with 
foreign nations, it was his favourite maxim so to 
conduct toward them, " as to put them in the 
wrong." 

In his transactions with the Indian tribes, Wash- 
ington was guided by justice, humanity, and be- 
nevolence. His authority and influence were ex- 
erted to restrain the licentious white contiguous 
settlers, from injuring their red neighbours. To 



398 



THE LIFE OF 



supply their wants, and prevent impositions, he 
strongly urged the erection of trading houses in 
their settlements, from which they were furnished 
by government with goods at first cost. The un- 
principled were restrained from preying on their 
ignorance, by excluding all but licensed persons, 
with good characters, from trading with them. 
All this was done to pave the way for their civili- 
zation. 

When Washington commenced his civil admin- 
istration, the United States were without any ef- 
ficient government. After they had adopted one 
of their choice, and placed him at its head, he de- 
termined that it should be respected. By his firm- 
ness order soon took place. There was one ex- 
ception. The western counties of Pennsylvania 
rose in arms to resist the law for raising a revenue, 
by an excise on domestic distilled ardent spirits. 
On this occasion, the fixed resolution of Washing- 
ton was, that whatever expense it might cost, what- 
ever inconvenience it might occasion, the people 
must be taught obedience, and the authority of 
the laws re-established. To secure this object, 
peculiarly important in the infancy of the new gov- 
ernment, he ordered out, and put himself at the 
head, of an ample force, calculated to render re- 
sistance desperate, and thereby to save the lives of 
his fellowcitizens. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



199 



In consequence of such decided measures, the 
insurgents dispersed, and peace and order were re- 
stored without bloodshed. The necessity of sub- 
ordination was impressed on the citizens, and the 
firmness of Washington's personal character was 
communicated to the government. 

Having accomplished every object for which he 
re-entered public hfe, he gave for the second time, 
the rare example of voluntarily descending from 
the fiist station in the universe; the head of a free 
people, placed there by their unanimous suffrage. 
To the pride of reigning his soul was superior. 
To its labours he submitted only for his country. 

Rulers of the world ! Learn from Washington 
wherein true glory consists. Restrain your ambi- 
tion. Consider your power as an obligation to 
do good. Let the world have peace, and prepare 
for yourselves, the enjoyment of that ecstatic plea- 
sure which will result from devoting all your ener- 
gies to the advancement of human happiness. 

Citizens of the United States ! While with grate- 
ful hearts you recollect the virtues of your Wash- 
ington, carry your thoughts one step farther. On 
a review of his life, and of all the circumstances of 
the times in which he lived, you must be convinc- 
ed, that a kind Providence in its beneficence rais- 
ed him, and endowed him with extraordinary vir- 
tues, to be to vou an instrument of great . f i;ood, 



400 THE LIFE OF 

None but such a man could have carried vou suc- 
cessfully through the revolutionary times which 
tried men's souls, and ended in the establishment 
of your independence. None but such a man 
could have braced up your government after it had 
become so contemptible, from the imbecility of 
the federal system. None but such a man could 
have saved your country from being plunged into 
war, either with the greatest naval power in Eu- 
rope, or with that which is most formidable by 
land, in consequence of your animosity against the 
one, and your partiality in favour of the other. 

Youths of the United States ! Learn from Wash- 
ington what may be done by an industrious im- 
provement of your talents, and the cultivation of 
your moral powers. Without any extraordinary 
advantages from birth, fortune, patronage, or even 
of education, he, by virtue and industry, attained 
the highest seat in the temple of fame. You can- 
not all be commanders of armies, or chief magis- 
trates ; but you may all resemble him in the vir- 
tues of private and domestic life, in which he ex- 
celled, and in which he most delighted. Equally 
industrious with his plough as his sword, he es- 
teemed idleness and inutility as the greatest dis- 
grace of man, whose powers attain perfection only 
by constant and vigorous action. Washington, in 
private life, was as amiable as virtuous ; and as 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



401 



great as he appeared sublime, on the public thea- 
tre of the world. He lived in the discharge of all 
the civil, social, and domestic offices of life. He 
was temperate in his desires, and faithful to his du- 
ties. For more than forty years of happy wedded 
love, his high example strengthened the tone of 
public manners. He had mpre real enjoyment in 
the bosom of his family, than in the pride of mili- 
tary command, or in the pomp of sovereign power. 
On the whole, his life affords the brightest mod- 
el for imitation, not only to warriors and states- 
men, but to private citizens ; for his character was 
a constellation of all the talents and virtues which 
dignify or adorn human nature. 

" He was a man, take him for a!l in all, 
We ne'er shall look upon his like again" 

Shakssttcar,:. 



APPENDIX. 



(NO. I.) 
[Referred to in page 194.] 



TO THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 

The Address and Petition of the Officers of the Army of the United 
States, 

HUMBLY SHOWETH, 

That we, the Officers of the Army of the United States, 
in behalf of ourselves and our brethren the Soldiers, beg 
leave, with all proper deference and respect, freely to state 
to Congress, the supreme power of the United States, the 
great distress under which we labour. 

At this period of the war, it is with peculiar pain we find 
ourselves constrained to address your august body, on 
matters of a pecuniary nature. We have struggled with 
our difficulties year after year, under the hopes that each 
would be the last ; but we have been disappointed. We 
find our embarrassments thicken so fast, and have become 
so complex, that many of us are unable to go further. In 
this exigence we apply to Congress for relief, as our head 
and sovereign. 



404 



APPENDIX. 



To prove that our hardships are exceedingly dispropor- 
tionate to those of any other citizens of America, let a re- 
currence be had to the paymaster's accounts, for four years 
past. If to this it should be objected, that the respective 
states have made settlements, and given securities for the 
pay due for part of that time, let the present value of those 
nominal obligations be ascertained by the monied men, 
and they will be found to be worth little indeed ; and yet, 
trifling as they are, many have been under the sad necessi- 
ty of parting with them, to prevent their families from ac- 
tually starving. 

We complain that shadows have been offered to us, while 
the substance has been gleaned by others. Our situation 
compels us to search for the cause of our extreme pover- 
ty. The citizens murmur at the greatness of their taxes, 
and are astonished that no part reaches the army. The nu- 
merous demands which are between the first collectors 
and the soldiers, swallow up the whole. Our distresses 
are now brought to a point. We have borne all that men 
can bear ; our property is expended ; our private resour- 
ces are at an end ; and our friends are wearied out and 
disgusted with our incessant applications. We therefore 
most seriously and earnestly beg, that a supply of money 
may be forwarded to the army, as soon as possible. The 
uneasiness of the soldiers, for want of pay, is great and dan- 
gerous ; any further experiment on their patience, may 
have fatal effects. The promised subsistence or ration of 
provisions, consisted of certain articles specified in kind 
and quality. This ration, without regard, that we can con- 
ceive, to the health of the troops, has been frequently al- 
teted, as necessity or conveniency suggested; generally 
losing by the change some part of its substance. On an 



APPENDIX. 



405 



average, not more than seven or eight tenths have been 
issued ; the retained parts were, for a short lime, paid for ; 
hut the business became troublesome to those who were 
to execute it. For this, or some other reason, all regard 
to the dues, as they respected the soldiers, has been dis- 
continued, now and then a trifling gratuity excepted. As 
these dues respected the officers, they were compensated 
during one year and part of another, by an extra ration. 
As to the retained rations, the account for several years 
remains unsettled ; there is a large balance due upon it, 
and a considerable sum for that of forage. 

The clothing was another part of the soldier's hire. The 
arrearages on that score, for the year 1777, were paid off 
in continental money, when the dollar was worth about 
fourpence ; the arrearages for the following years, are un- 
liquidated, and we apprehend, scarcely thought of, but by 
the army. Whenever there has been a real want of means, 
and defect in system, or neglect in execution, in the de- 
partments of the army, we have invariably been the suffer- 
ers, by hunger and nakedness, and by languishing in an 
hospital. We beg leave to urge an immediate adjustment 
of all dues ; that as great a part as possible be paid, and 
the remainder put on such a footing as will restore cheer- 
fulness to the army, receive confidence in the justice and 
generosity of its constituents, and contribute to the very 
desirable effect of re-establishing public credit. We are 
grieved to find, that our brethren, who retired from ser- 
vice on half pay, under the resolution of Congress, 1780, 
are not only destitute of any effectual provision, but are 
become the objects of obloquy. Their condition has a 
very discouraging aspect on us, who must sooner or later 
retire, and from every consideration of justice, gratitude, 



406 APPENDIX. 

and policy, demands attention and redress. We regard 
the act of Congress, respecting half pay, as an honourable 
and just recompense for several years hard service, in 
which the health and fortunes of the officers have been 
worn down and exhausted. We see with chagrin, the odi- 
ous point of view, in which the citizens of too many of the 
states endeavour to place the men entitled to it. We hope, 
for the honour of human nature, that there are none so 
hardened in the sin of ingratitude, as to deny the justice 
of the reward. We have reason to believe, that the objec- 
tion generally is against the mode only. To prevent there- 
fore, any altercations and distinctions, which may tend to 
injure that harmony which we ardently desire may reign 
throughout the community, we are willing to commute the 
half pay pledged, for full pay, for a certain number of years, 
or for a sum in gross, as shall be agreed to by the com- 
mittee sent with this address. And in this we pray, that 
the disabled officers and soldiers, with the widows and or- 
phans of those who have expended, or may expend, their 
lives in the service of their country, may be fully compre- 
hended. We also beg, that some mode may be pointed 
out for the eventual payment of those soldiers, who are the 
subjects of the resolution of Congress of the 15th. May, 
1778. To the representation now made, the army have 
not a doubt that Congress will pay all that attention, which 
the serious nature of it requires. It would be criminal in 
the officers to conceal the general dissatisfaction which 
prevails, and is gaining ground in the army, from the pres. 
sure of evils and injuries, which, in the course of seven 
long years, have made their condition, in many instances, 
wretched. They therefore entreat that Congress, to con- 
vince the army and the world, that the independence of 



APPENDIX. 



407 



America shall not be placed on the ruin of any particular 
class of her citizens, will point out a mode of immediate 
redress. 



on the part of the 
Massachusetts line. 



H. Knox, Major General, 

John Patterson, Brigadier Gen. 

J. Greaton, Colonel, y 

John Crane, Colonel, 

H. Maxwell, Lieutenant Colonel,^ 

J. Huntington, Brigadier General)"] 

H. Swift, Colonel, \ on the part of the 

Samuel B. Webb, Colonel, r Connecticut line. 

E. Huntington, Lieutenant Col. J 

P. Cortlandt, Colonel, on the part of the New York line. 

t xt r< t ■ r, , ? em the hart of the 

John N.LsUMM.ihgs, Lieutenant Col. > .. , ,. 

^ New Jersey line. 

-i,t , , . > on the part of the New 

William Scott, Maior, y „' . , r ,. 

J '<y Hampshire line. 

W. Eustis, Hospital Surgeon,] ° n the *?? f. 'f* 

j general hospital. 

Moses Hazen, Brigadier General. 
Cantonments, Hudson's River, Dec. 1782. 



(NO. II.) 
[Referred to in page 234.] 



FAREWELL ADDRESS OF GEN. WASHINGTON, TO THE 
ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Rocky Hill, near Princeton, November 2, 1783. 

The United States in Congress assembled, after giving 
the most honourable testimony to the merits of the federal 
armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their coun- 



408 



APPENDIX. 



try, for their long, eminent, and faithful service, having 
thought proper, by their proclamation, bearing date the 
18th. of October last, to discharge such part of the troops 
as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on 
furlough to retire from service, from and after tomorrow ; 
which proclamation having been communicated in the pub- 
lic papers, for the information and government of all con- 
cerned, it only remains for the Commander in Chief to 
address himself once more, and that for the last time, to 
the armies of the United States, however widely dispers- 
ed individuals who compose them may be, and to bid them 
an affectionate, a long farewell. 

But before the Commander in Chief takes his final leave 
of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself 
a few moments in calling to mind a slight view of the past. 
He will then take the liberty of exploring, with his mili- 
tary friends, their future prospects ; of advising the gen- 
eral line of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought to be 
pursued ; and he will conclude the address, by expressing 
the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and 
able assistance he has experienced from them, in the per- 
formance of an arduous office. 

A contemplation of the complete attainment, at a period 
earlier than could have been expected, of the object for 
which we contended, against so formidable a power, can- 
not but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The 
disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which 
the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The sig- 
nal interpositions of Providence, in our feeble condition, 
were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the 
most unobserving ; while the unparalleled perseverance 
of the armies of the United States, through almost every 



KDIX 






possible suffer- t, for the sp%' 

tie short of a star 

■ ithin the compass 
tail the hardships pecc . - r ser- 

describe the distresses wh; 
ive resulted from the extr f ;randna- 

kedn'.- ..'ied with the t sea- 

lo dwell on the dark i 
past affairs. 

.merican offic 
himself for any unpleasant circumstance which ma;, 
occurred. raon see: 

which he has been ca orious part, and the 

astonishir g i ch he has be e 

taken place on the 
of bur . tbeyprobab: 

en a disciplined army formed at 

once from such raw materu " o that was not a wit- 

ould imagine that the □ ,cal prejudices 

. M so soon, and that men who came from the dif- 

parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the hab- 

ition to despise and quarrel -si. other, 

would instantly become but one patriotic band of brothers ? 

Or who that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by 

whieh such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and 

such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils ? 

I 
pects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our in- 
dependence and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of 
description ; and shall not the brave men who hare con- 
tributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, 
-;g victorious frotr. vfag- 



410 



APPENDIX. 



riculture, participate in all the blessings which have been 
obtained ? In such a republic, who will exclude them from 
the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labours ? In 
such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of 
commerce, and the cultivation of the soil, will unfold to 
industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy 
soldiers who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the 
fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment ; and 
the extensive and fertile regions of the west, will yield a 
most happy asylum to those who, fond of domestic enjoy- 
ment, are seeking personal independence. Nor is it pos- 
sible to conceive that any one of the United States will 
prefer a national bankruptcy, and the dissolution of the 
union, to a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, 
and the payment of its just debts ; so that the officers and 
soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in recom- 
mencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to 
them from the public, which must and will most inevita- 
bly be paid. 

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and remove 
the prejudices which may have taken possession of the 
minds of any of the good people of the states, it is earnest- 
ly recommended to all the troops, that, with Strong attach- 
ment to the union, they should carry with them into civil 
society the most conciliating dispositions, and that they 
should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as 
citizens, than they have been victorious as soldiers. What 
though there should be some envious individuals, who are 
unwilling to pay the debt the public lias contracted, or to 
yield the tribute due to merit ; yet, let such unworthy treat- 
ment produce no invective, or any instance of intemperate 
conduct. Let it be remembered, that the unbiassed voice 



APPENDIX. 



411 



of the free citizens of the United States, has promised the 
just reward, and given the merited applause. Let it be 
known and remembered, that the reputation of the feder- 
al armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence ; 
and let a consciousness of their achievements and famej 
still excite the men who composed them to honourable ac- 
tions, under the persuasion that the private virtues of econ- 
omy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in 
civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valour, per- 
severance, and enterprise, were in the field. Every one 
may rest assured, that much, very much of the future hap- 
piness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise 
and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them, when 
they are mingled with the great body of the community. 
And, although the General has so frequently given it as 
his opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that 
unless the principles of the federal government were prop- 
erly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the 
honour, dignity, and justice of the nation, would be lost 
for ever ; yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion, 
so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunc- 
tion to every officer and every soldier, who may view the 
subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best 
endeavours to those of his worthy fellowcitizens, toward 
effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which our 
very existence as a nation so materially depends. 

The Commander in Chief conceives little is now want- 
ing to enable the soldier to change the military character 
into that of the citizen, but that steady, decent tenour of 
behaviour, which has generally distinguished not only the 
army under his immediate command, but the different de- 
tachments and armies, through the course of the war. 



412 



APPENDIX. 



Froga their good sense and prudence he anticipates the 
happiest consequences ; and while he congratulates them 
on the glorious occasion which renders their services in 
the held no longer necessary, he wishes to express the 
strong obligations he feels himself under, for the assist- 
ance he has received from every class, and in every in- 
stance. He presents his thanks in the most serious and 
affectionate manner, to the general officers, as well for 
their counsels on many interesting occasions, as for their 
ardour in promoting the success of the plans he had adopt- 
ed ; to the commandants of regiments, and corps, and to 
the other officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying 
his orders promptly into execution ; to the staff, lor their 
alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of their 
several departments ; and to the noncommissioned officers 
and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience and 
suffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in action. 
To the various branches of the army, the General takes 
this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviola- 
ble attachment and friendship. He wishes more than 
bare professions were in his power, that he was really able 
to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters him- 
self, however, they will do him the justice to believe, that 
whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has 
been done. 

And being now to conclude these his last public orders, 
to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military 
character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so 
long hud the honour to command, he can only again offer 
in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful 
country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May am- 
ple justice be done them here, and may the choicest of 



APPENDIX. 413 

Heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those 
who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumera- 
ble blessings for others. With these wishes, and this ben- 
ediction, the Commander in Chief is about to retire from 
service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, 
and the military scene to him will be closed for ever. 



414 



APPENDIX. 
(NO. III.) 

GEN. WASHINGTON'S WILL. 



VIRGINIA, Fairfax, ss. 

I, George Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax County Court, do cer- 
tify, That the subsequent copy of the last Will and Testa- 
ment o/George Washington, deceased, late President 
of the United States of America, with the Schedule annex- 
ed, is a true copy from the original, recorded in my office. 

.In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
tliis 23d. day of January, 1800. 

GEO. DENEALEj C. F. C. 



AV THE NAME OF GOB, Amen. 

1, GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a cit- 
izen of the United States, and lately president of the same, 
Do make, ordain, and declare this Instrument, which is 
Written with my own hand, and every page thereof sub- 
scribed with my name,* to be my'LAST will and testa- 
,mknt, revoking all others. 

Im/irimus. All my debts, of which there are but few, 
and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily 
paid ; and the legacies herein after bequeathed, are to be 
discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in 
the manner directed. 

* In the original manuscript, Ceorge Washington's name is 
■ ritten at the hottom of every page. 



APPENDIX 



415 



Item. To my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, 
I give and bequeath the use, profit, and bene fit of my whole 
estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, 
except such parts thereof as are specially disposed ot here- 
after. My improved lot in the town of Alexandria, situ- 
ated on Pitt and Cameron streets, I give to her and her 
heirs for ever; as I also do my household and kitchen fur- 
niture oi every sort and kind, with the liquors and groce- 
ries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to 
be used and disposed of as she may think proper. 

Item. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and 
desire, that all the slaves which I hold in my o<iv?i right, 
shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during 
her life, would, though earnestly wished by me, be attend- 
ed with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their 
intermixture by marriages with the dower negroes, as to 
excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable con- 
sequences to the latter, while both descriptions are in the 
occupancy of the same proprietor ; it not being in my 
power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are 
held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who 
will receive freedom according to this devise, there may 
be some who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others 
who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support 
themselves, it is my will and desire, that all who come un- 
der the first and second description, shall be comfortably 
clothed and fed by my heirs while they live ; and that such 
of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if 
living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall 
be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of 
twenty five years ; and in cases where no record can be 
produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judg- 



416 



APPENDIX. 



ment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall 
be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are, by 
their masters or mistresses, to be taught to read and write, 
and be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably 
to the laws of the commonwealth of Virginia, providing 
for the support of orphan and other poor children. And 
I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out 
of the said con mon wealth, of any slave 1 may die possess- 
ed of, under any pretence whatsoever. And I do more- 
over most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my 
executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to 
see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part there- 
of, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is di- 
rected to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, 
after the crops which may then be on the ground are har- 
vested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm ; 
seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established 
for their support as long as they are subjects requiring it, 
not trusting to the uncertain provision made by individu- 
als. And, to my mulatto man, William, calling himself 
William Lee, I give immediate freedom, or if he should 
prefer it, on account of the accidents which have befallen 
him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, 
or of any active employment, to remain in the situation he 
now is, it shall be optional in him to do so ; in either case, 
however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during 
his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals 
and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he choos- 
es the latter alternative ; but in full with his freedom, if 
he prefers the first ; and this I give him as a testimony of 
my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful ser- 
vices during the revolutionary war. 



AI'I'FADI\'. 



417 



Item. To the trustees, governors, or by whatsoever 
other name they may be designated, of the academy in the 
town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in tru.,t, four 
thousand dollars, or in other words, twenty of the shares 
which I hold in the bunk of Alexandria, toward the sup- 
port of a free school, established at, and annexed to, the 
said academy, for the purpose of educating orphan chil- 
dren, or the children of such other poor and indigent per- 
sons, as are unable to accomplish it with their own means, 
and who, in the judgment of the trustees of the sl.'rI sem- 
inary, are best entitled to the bem fit of this donation. The 
aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity, 
the dividends only of which are to be drawn lor, and ap- 
plied by the said trustees, for the time being, for the uses 
abovementioned ; the stock to remain entire and untouch- 
ed, unless indications of failure of the said bank should 
be so apparent, or a discontinue nee thereof should ren- 
der a removal of this fund necessary. In either of 
these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be 
vested in some other bank, or public institution, whereby 
the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn 
and applied as above. And, to prevent misconception, my 
meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twen- 
ty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the 1000J. 
given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence 
whereof an annuity of 501. has since been paid toward the 
support of this institution. 

Item. Whereas by a law of the commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia, enacted in the year 17S5, the legislature thereof was 
pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services 
I had rendered the public during the revolution, and part- 
ly, I believe, in consideration of my having suggested the 
54 



4 1S APPENDIX, 

vast advantages which the community would derive from 
the extension of its inland navigation, under legislative 
patronage, to present me with one hundred shares of one 
hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company estab- 
lished for the purpose of extending the navigation of James 
river, from the tide water to the mountains ; and also with 
fifty shares of 1001 sterling each, in the corporation of 
another company, likewise established for the similar pur- 
pose of opening the navigation of the river Potoivmac, from 
the tide Mater to Fort Cumberland ; the acceptance of 
which, although the offer was highly honourable and grate- 
ful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a prin- 
ciple which I had adopted, and had never departed from ; 
namely, not to receive pecuniary compensation for any ser- 
vices I could render my country in its arduous struggle 
with Great Britain for its rights, and because I had evad- 
ed similar propositions from other states in the union ; 
adding to this refusal, hpwever, an intimation, that, if it 
should be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to 
appropriate the said shares to public uses, I would receive 
them on those terms with due sensibility ; and this it hav- 
ing consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a 
subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most am- 
ple and honourable manner. I proceed, after this recital, 
for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare, 
That as it has always been a source of serious regret with 
me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign 
countries for the purposes of education, often before their 
minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate- 
ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting, too fre- 
quently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, 
but principles unfriendly to republican government, and to 
the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which, thereafter. 



APPENDIX. 



419 



are rarely overcome. For these reasons, it has been my 
ardent wish to see a plan devised, on a liberal scale, which 
would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through 
all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local at- 
tachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of 
things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national 
councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplish- 
ment of so desirable an object as this is, in my estimation, 
my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more 
likely to effect Uie measure, than the establishment of a 
university in a central part of the United States, to which 
the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof, 
might be sent for the completion of their education in all 
the branches of polite literature, in the arts and sciences, 
in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and 
good government ; and, as a matter of infinite importance 
in my judgment, by associating with each other, and form- 
ing friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free them- 
selves, in a proper degree, from those local prejudices 
and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned, 
and which, when carried to excess, are never failing sourc- 
es of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mis- 
chievous consequences to this country. Under these im- 
pressions, so fully dilated, 

Item. I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares 
which I hold in the Potowmac company, under the afore- 
said acts of the legislature of Virginia, toward the endow- 
ment of a university, to be established within the limits of 
the district of Columbia, under the auspices of the gener- 
al government, if that government should incline to extend 
a fostering hand toward it ; and until such seminary is es- 
fablished, and the funds arising on these shares shall be 



/ 

420 API'KNDIX. 

required for its support, my further will and desire is, that 
the profit accruing therefrom, shall, whenever the divid- 
ends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in the bank 
of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my 
executors, or by the treasurer of the United States for the 
time being, under the direction of Congress, provided that 
honourable body should patronize the measure ; and the 
dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock are 
to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate 
to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of which 
I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, 
even if no aid or encouragement is given by legislative au- 
thority, or from, any other source. 

Item. The hundred shares which I hold in the James 
river company, I have given, and now confirm, in perpe- 
tuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Acad- 
emy, in the county of Rockbridge, in the commonwealth 
of Virginia. 

Item. I release, exonerate, and discharge, the estate of 
my deceased brother, Sa?nuel ll T ashingto>i, from the pay- 
ment of the money which is due to me for the land I sold 
to Philip Pendleton, lying in the county of Berekley, who 
assigned the s;. me to him, the said Samuel, who, by agree- 
ment, was to pay me therefor ; and whereas by some con- 
tract, the purport of which was never communicated to 
me, between the said Samuel and his son Thornton U'ash- 
ington, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid land, 
without any conveyance having passed from me, either to 
the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or the said Thornton, 
and without any consideration having been made, by which 
neglect, neither the legal nor equitable title has been ali- 
enated ; it rests therefore with me, to declare my inten- 



APPENDIX. 



421 



lions concerning the premises ; and these are, to give and 
bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Th irnton 
Washington, who is also dead, devised the same, or to his 
heirs for ever, if he died intestate, exonerating the estate 
of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel, 
from payment of the purchase money, which, with inter- 
est, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pen- 
dleton, would amount to more than 10001. And whereas, 
two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, name- 
ly, George Str/itoe Washington, and Lawrence Augustine 
Washington, were, by the decease of those to whose care 
they were committed, brought under my protection, and, 
in consequence, have occasioned advances on my part for 
their education at college and other schools, and for their 
board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to the 
amount of near five thousand dollars, over and above the 
sums furnished by their estate ; which sum it may be in- 
convenient for them or their father's estate to refund. I 
do, for these reasons, acquit them and the said estate from 
the payment thereof; my intention being, that all accounts 
between them and me, and their father's estate and me, 
shall stand balanced. 

Item. The balance due to me from the estate of Bar- 
tholomew Dandridge, deceased, my wife's brother, and 
which amounted, on the first day of October, 1795, to 4251. 
as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son, 
John Dandridge, who was the acting executor of his fath- 
er's will, I release and acquit from the payment thereof. 
And t!ic negroes, then thirty three in number, formerly 
belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execution, 

sold, and purchased in on my account, in the year , 

and ever since have remained in the possession and to the 



422 APPENDIX. 

use of Mary, widow of the said Barth. Dandridge, with 
their increase, it is my will and desire, shall continue and 
be in her possession, without paying hire, or making com- 
pensation for the same, for the time past or to come, dur- 
ing her natural life ; at the expiration of which, I direct, 
that all of them who are forty years old and upward, shall 
receive their freedom ; all under that age and above six- 
teen, shall serve seven years, and no longer ; and all un- 
der sixteen years, shall serve until they are twenty five 
years of age, and then be free. And to avoid disputes re- 
specting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be 
taken into the court of the county in which they reside, 
and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, 
and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evi- 
dence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise con- 
cerning the same. And I further direct, that the heirs of 
the said Barth. Dandridge, shall equally share the benefits 
arising from the services of the said negroes, according to 
the tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. 

Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my 
niece Betty Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to 
the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is 
my will and desire, that my executors shall make such con- 
veyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. 

Item. To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, 
and his heirs, if he should conceive them to be objects 
worth prosecuting, a lot in the town of Manchester, oppo- 
site to Richmond, No. 265, drawn on my sole account, and 
also the tenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or 
three half acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, 
drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of 
the deceased William Bird, arc given ; as is also a lot 



APPENDIX. 42S 

which I purchased of John Hood, conveyed by William 
Willie and Samuel Gordon, trustees of the said John 
Hood, numbered 139, in the town of Edinburgh, in the 
county of Prince George, state of Virginia. 

Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washing tori, I give and 
bequeath all the papers in my possession which relate to 
my civil and military administration of the affairs of this 
country ; I leave to him also such of my private papers as 
are worth preserving ; and, at the decease of my wife, and 
before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and be- 
queath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. 
Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the state 
of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right 
-with George Clinton, late governor of New York ; my 
share of land and interest in the Great Dismal Swamp, 
and a tract of land which I owned in the county of Glouc- 
ester ; withholding the legal titles thereto, until the con- 
sideration money should be paid ; and having moreover 
leased, and conditionally sold, as will appear by the tenor 
of the said leases, all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, 
and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the county of Loudon, 
it is my will and direction, that whensoever the contracts 
are fully and respectively complied with, according to the 
spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the 
purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that 
case, conveyances are to be made, agreeable to the terms 
of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, 
when paid, to be vested in bank stock ; the dividends 
whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, is 
to inure to my said wife during her life ; but the stock it- 
self is to remain and be subject to the general distribution 
hereafter directed. 



424 



APPENDIX. 



Item. To the Earl oj Buchan, I recommit " the box 
made of the oak that sheltered the brave Sir William Wal- 
lace after the battle of Falkirk," presented to me by his 
lordship in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a 
request " to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the 
man in my country who should appear to merit it best, 
upon the same conditions that have induced him to send 
it to me." Whether easy or not, to select the man who 
might comport with his lordship's opinion in this respect, 
is not for me to say ; but conceiving that no disposition 
of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the re- 
commitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the orig- 
inal design of the Goldsmith's company of Edinburgh, who 
presented it to him, and, at his request, consented that it 
should be transferred to me. I do give and bequeath the 
same to his lordship ; and, in case of his decease, to his 
heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished hon- 
our of presenting it to me, and more especially for the fa- 
vourable sentiments with which he accompanied it. 

Item. To my brother, Charles Washington, I give and 
bequeath the gold headed cane left me by Dr. Franklin, in 
his will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provi- 
sion I have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and 
friends of my juvenile years, La%vrence Washington and 
Robert Washington, of Chotanct, I give my other two gold 
headed canes, having my arms engraved on them ; and to 
each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one 
of the spyglasses, Avhich constituted part of my equipage 
during the late war. To my compatriot in arms, and old 
and intimate friend, Dr. Craik, I give my bureau, or, as 
the cabinetmakers call it, tambour sccretanj, and the cir- 
cular chair an appendage of my study. To Dr. David 



APPENDIX. 425 

Stewarts I give my large shaving and dressing table, and 
my telescope. To the reverend, now Bryan Lord Fairfax, 
I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, 
presented to me by the Rt. Rev. Thomas Wilson, bishop 
of Sodor and Man. To Gen. De la Fayette, I give a pair 
of finely wrought steel pistcls, taken from the enemy in 
the revolutionary war. To my sisters in law, Hannah 
Washington and Mildred Washington ; to my friends, Ele- 
anor Stuart, Hannah Washington, of Fairfield, and Eliza- 
beth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourr.u.g ring 
of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are 
not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementos 
of my esteem and regard. To T< bias Lear, I give the 
use of the farm which he now holds, in virtue of a lease 
from me to him and his deceased wife, for and during their 
natural lives, free from rent during his life ; at the expi- 
ration of which, it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter di- 
rected. To Sally B. Haynie, a distant relation of mine, I 
give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, 
daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishofi, and to Ann 
Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each 
one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of 
their fathers to me, each of whom having lived nearly for- 
ty years in my family. To each of my nephews, William 
Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Step toe 
Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Washing- 
ton, I give one of the swords, or cutteaux, of which 1 may 
die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they 
are named. These swords are accompanied with an in- 
junction, not to unsheuth them for the purpose of shed- 
ding blood, except it be for self defence, or in de fence of 
their country and its rights ; and, in the latter case, to keep 
55 



426 appkndix. 

them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their 
hands, to the relinquishment thereof. 

And now, having gone through these specific devises, 
with explanations for the more correct understanding of 
the meaning and design of them, I proceed to the distri- 
bution of the more important parts of my estate, in man- 
ner following. 

First. To my nephew, Bushrod Washiiigtoti, and his 
heirs, partly in consideration of an intimation to his de- 
ceased father, while we were bachelors, and he had kind- 
ly undertaken to superintend my estate during my milita- 
ry services in the former war between Great Britain and 
France, that if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon, then 
less extensive in domain than at present, should become, 
his property, I give and bequeath all that part thereof 
which is comprehended within the following limits, viz. 
Beginning at the ford of Dogue run, near my mill, and 
extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now 
goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the 
ford of Little Hunting creek, at the Gum Spring, until it 
comes to a knowl opposite to an old road which formerly 
passed through the lower field of Muddy hole farm, at 
Which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or 
Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed ; 
thence by a line of trees to be marked rectangular, to the 
back line or outer boundary of the tract between Thomas 
Mason and myself ; thence with that line easterly, now 
double ditching, with a post and rail fence thereon, to the 
run of Little Hunting creek ; thence with that run, which 
is the boundary between the lands of the late H. Peake and 
me, to the tide water of the said creek ; thence by that 
water to Potowmac river ; thence with the river to the 



APPENDIX. 



427 



mouth of Dogue creek, and thence with the said Dogue 
creek to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford ; con- 
taining upward of four thousand acres, be the same more 
or less, together with the mansion house and all other 
buildings and improvements thereon. 

Second. In consideration of the consanguinity between- 
them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to my- 
self, as on account of the affection I had for, and the obli- 
gation I was under to, their father, when living, who from 
his youth, had attached himself to my person, and follow- 
ed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revo- 
lution, afterward devoting his time to the superintendance 
of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public 
employments rendered it impracticable for me to do it 
myself, thereby affording me essential services, and al- 
ways performing them in a manner the most filial and re- 
spectful. For these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath 
to George Fayette Washington, and Lawrence Augustine 
Washington, and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunt- 
ing creek, lying on the river Potowmac, including the 
farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias 
Lear, as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by 
deed, two thousand and twenty seven acres, be it more or 
less ; which said estate it is my will and desire should be 
equitably and advantageously divided between them, ac- 
cording to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when 
the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty one 
years, by three judicious and disinterested men ; one to be 
chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. 
In the mean lime, if the termination of my wife's interest 
therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom 
are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. 



428 APPENDIX. 

Third. And whereas, it has always been my intention, 
since my expectation of having- issue has ceased, to consid- 
er the grand children of my wife, in the same light as I 
do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them, 
more especially by the two whom we have raised from 
their earliest infancy ; namely, Eleanor Park Custis, and 
George Washington Park Custis ; and whereas, the form- 
er of these hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis , 
a son of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, by which union 
the inducement to provide for them both has been increas- 
ed ; wherefore I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence 
Lewis, and Eleanor Park Lewis his wife, and their heirs, 
the residue of my Mount Vernon estate, not already de- 
vised to my nephew, Bushrod Washington, comprehended 
within the following description, viz. All the land north 
of the road leading from the ford of Dogue run to the 
Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the other part 
of the tract to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the 
stone, and three red or Spanish oaks on the knowl ; thence 
with the rectangular line to the back line, between Mr. 
Mason and me ; thence with that line westerly along the 
new double ditch to Dogue run, by the tumbling dam of 
my mill ; thence with the said run to the ford aforemen- 
tioned ; to which I add all the land I possess west of the 
said Dogue run and Dogue creek, bounded easterly and 
southerly thereby ; together with the mill, distillery, and 
all other houses and improvements on the premises ; mak- 
ing together about two thousand acres, be it more or less. 
Fourth. Actuated by the principle already mentioned, 
1 give and bequeath to George Washington Park Custis, 
the grandson of my wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, 
the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the vicinitv of Al- 



APPENDIX. 



429 



exandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more 
or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Wash- 
ington. 

Fifth. All the rest and residue of my estate, real and 
personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatso- 
ever consisting, wheresoever iying,and wheresoever found, 
a schedule of which, as far as is r< collected, with a reas- 
onable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed, I desire 
may be sold by my executors, at such times, in such man- 
ner, and on such credits, if an equal, valid, and satisfacto- 
ry distribution of the specific property cannot be made 
without, as in their judgment shall be most conducive to 
the interest of the parties concerned, and the monies aris- 
ing therefrom to be divided into twenty three equal parts, 
and applied as follows, viz. To William Augustine Wash- 
ington, Elizabeth S/wtswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs 
of Aim Ashton, son and daughters of my deceased brother 
Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four parts, 
that is, one part to each of them ; to Feilding Lewis, 
George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis, and Betty Car- 
ter, sons and daughter of my deceased sister Betty Lewis, 
I give and bequeath five other parts, one to each of them ; 
to George Stcptoe Washington, Lawrence A. Washington, 
Harriet Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, 
sons and daughter of my deceased brother Samuel Wash- 
ington, I give and bequeath the other four parts, one part 
to each of them ; to Corbin Washington, and the heirs of 
Jane Washington, son and daughter of my deceased broth- 
er John A. Washington, I give and bequeath two parts, one 
part to each of them ; to Samuel Washington, Frances Ball, 
and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my brother 
Charles Washington, I give and bequeath three parts, one 



430 



APPENDIX. 



part to each of them ; and to Geo. F. Washington, Charles 
Aug. Washington, and Maria Washington, sons and daugh- 
ter of my deceased nephew Geo. A. Washington, I give 
one other part, that is, to each a third of that part ; to 
Eliz. Park Lav), Martha Park Peter, and Eleanor Park 
Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts, that is, a 
part to each of them; and to my nephews, Bushrod Wash- 
ington and Law. Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson of 
my wife, I give and bequeath one other part, that is, a 
third thereof to each of them. And if it should so hap- 
pen, that any of the persons whose names are here enu- 
merated, unknown to me, should now be dead, or should 
die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of 
such deceased persons shall, notwithstanding, derive all 
the benefits of the bequest, in the same manner as if he or 
she was actually living at the time. And by way of ad- 
vice, I recommend to my executors not to be precipitate 
in disposing of the landed property, therein directed to be 
sold, if from temporary causes the sale thereof should be 
dull ; experience having fully evinced, that the price of 
land, especially above the falls of the rivers and on the 
western waters, has been progressively rising, and cannot 
be long checked in its increasing value. And I particu- 
larly recommend it to such of the legatees, under this 
clause of my will, as can make it convenient, to take each 
a share of my stock in the Potowmac company, in prefer- 
ence to the amount of what it might sell for ; being thor- 
oughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the mon- 
ey can be applied, will be so productive as the tolls aris- 
ing from this navigation when in full operation, and this 
from the nature of things, it must be ere long, and more 
especially if that of the Shenandoah is added theretp. 



APPENDIX. 



431 



The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, 
and being improperly situated beside, I desire that a new 
one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the 
foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard enclosure, 
on the ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, 
with those of my deceased relations, now in the old vault, 
and such others of my family as may choose to be entomb- 
ed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire, 
that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, with- 
out parade or funeral oration. 

Lastly. I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved 
wife, Martha Washington, my nephews William Augustine 
Washington, Bushrod Washington, George Stc/itoe Wash- 
ington, Samuel Washington^ and Lawrence Lewis, and my 
ward George Washington Park Custis, when he shall have 
arrived at the age of twenty years, executrix and execu- 
tors of this my will and testament ; in the construc- 
tion of which, it will readily be" perceived, that no profes- 
sional character has been consulted, or has had any agen- 
cy in the draught ; and, that although it has occupied many 
of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its pres- 
ent form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incor- 
rect ; but having endeavoured to be plain and explicit in 
all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps 
of tautology, I hope and trust, that no disputes will arise 
concerning them ; but if, contrary to expectation, the case 
should be otherwise from the want of legal expression, or 
the usual technical terms, or because too much or too lit- 
tle has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with 
law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes, 
if unhappily any should arise, shall be decided by three 
impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and 



432 APPENDIX. 

good understanding ; two to be chosen by the disputants, 
each having the choice of one, and the third by those iwo ; 
which three men thus chosen shall, unfettered by law or 
legal constructions, declare the sense of the testator's in- 
tentions ; and such decision is, to all intents and purpo- 
ses, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given 
in the supreme court of the United States. 

In witness of all and each of the things herein contained, I 
have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the 
year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,* and of the 
independence of the United States the twenty fourth. 
GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
* It appears the testator omitted the word nine. 



APPENDIX 



433 



SCHEDULE 

Of property comprehended in the foregoing Will, directed to be sold, 
and some of it conditionally is sold; with deseriptiveand explanatory 
notes thereto. 

IN VIRGINIA. 



Loudon co. Difficult Run, 


300 




6,666a 


Loudon and Faquier, 








Ashby's Bent, 


2,481 


lOd. 24,810} 


Chattin's Run, 


885 


8 7,0805 


Berkley, S. fork of Bouliskin, 


1,600 






Head of Evan's m. 


453 






In Wormley's line, 


183 








2,236 


20 


44,720c 


Frederick, bought from Mercer, 


571 


20 


ll,420d 


Hampshire, on Potowmac river, 








above B. 


240 


15 


3,600e 


Gloucester, on North river, 


400 


about 


3,600/ 


Nausemond, near Suffolk one third 






of 1,119 acres, 


373 


8 


2,9 84^- 


Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend 






thereof, 




about 


20,O00A 


Ohio river, Round Bottom, 


587 






Little Kenhawa, 


2,314 






Sixteen miles lower down, 


2,448 






Opposite Big Bent, 


4,395 


YirMax*<z 





9,744 10 



97,440; 



56 



434 



APPENDIX. 



GREAT KENHAWA. 

Acres. Price. 
Near the north west, 10,180 

East side above, 7,276 

Mouth of Cole river, 2,000 

Opposite thereto, 2,950} 
Burning Spring, 1253 

MARYLAND. 

Charles county, 600 6d. 

Montgomery, ditto, 519 12 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
Great Meadows, 234 6 

NEW YORK. 
Mohawk river, about 1000 6 

NORTH WEST TERRITORY. 
On Little Miami, 339 

Ditto, 977 

Ditto, 1,£35 



Dollars 



200,000£ 

3,600/ 
6,2287?? 

1,404» 

6,0009 



Rough creek, 
Ditto adjoining, 



3,251 5 
KENTUCKY. 

3000 
2000 



16,251/i 



5000 2 
LOTS, viz. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON. 

Two near the capitol, square 634, cost 963 dol- 
lars, and with buildings, 

N os - 5, 12, 13, and 14, the three last water lots on 
the Eastern Branch, in square 667, containing 
together 34,438 square feet, at twelve cents, 



10 ; 000? 



I5,000r 



4,1,32s 



APPENDIX. 



435 



Dollars. 



4000r 



400z< 



SOO-o 



ALEXANDRIA. 

Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half an acre 
laid out into buildings, three or four of which 
are let on ground rent at three dollars per 
foot, 

WINCHESTER. 

A lot in the town, of half an acre, and another in 
the commons, of about six acres, supposed 
BATH or WARM SPRINGS. 

Two well situated, and had buildings to the a- 
mount of 1501. 

STOCK. 

UNITED STATES. 

Six per cent. 3,746 

Ditto deferred, 1,873") 

)> 2,500 

Three per cent. 2,946 j 

. 6,246w 

POTOWMAC COMPANY. 

Twenty four shares, cost each tool, sterling, 10,6664x 

JAMES RIVER COMPANY. 
Five shares, each cost 100 dollars, 500z/ 

BANK OF COLUMBIA. 
One hundred and seventy shares, cost §40 each 6,8004; 

BANK OF ALEXANDRIA. 
Beside twenty shares to the free school — 5. 

STOCK LIVING, viz. 

One covering horse, five carriage horses, four 
riding ditto, six brood mares, twenty working 
horses and mares, two covering jacks, and 
three young ones ; ten she asses, forty two 
working mules, fifteen younger ones, three 



1000 



436 



APPENDIX. 



Dollars. 



hundred and twenty nine head of horned cat- 
tle, six hundred and forty head of sheep, and 
a large stock of hogs, the precise number un- 
known ICT" My manager has estimated this 
live stock at 7,0001. but 1 shall set it down, in 
order to make a round sum, at 15,653 



Aggregate amount, 530,000 

NOTES. 

a. This tract for the size of it, is valuable, more for its 
situation than the quality of its soil, though that is good 
for farming ; with a considerable proportion of ground that 
might very easily be improved into meadow. It lies on 
the great road from the city of Washington, Alexandria, 
and George Town, to Leesburgh and Winchester, at Dif- 
ficult Bridge, nineteen miles from Alexandria, less from 
the city and George Town, and not more than three from 
Matildaville, at the great falls of Potowmac. There is a 
valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is condition- 
ally sold for the sum annexed in the schedule. 

b. What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of 
these two tracts are, I know not ; but compared with those 
above the ridge, and others below it, the value annexed 
will appear moderate ; a less one would not obtain them 
from me. 

c. The surrounding land not superior in soil, situation, 
or properties of any sort, sells currently it from twenty 
to thirty dollars an acre. The lowest price is affixed to 
these. 



APPENDIX. 437 

d. The observations made in the last note, apply equal- 
ly to this tract, being in the vicinity of them, and of simi- 
lar quality, although it lies in another county. 

e. This tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It 
lies on Potowmac river, about twelve miles above the town 
of Bath, or Warm Springs, and is in the shape of a horse- 
shoe, the river running almost around it. Two hundred 
acres of it are rich low grounds, with a great abundance 
of the largest and finest walnut trees, which, with the pro- 
duce of the soil, might, by means of the improved naviga- 
tion of the Potowmac, be brought to a shipping port with 
more ease, and at a smaller expense, than that which is 
transported thirty miles only by land. 

f. This tract is of second rate Gloucester low grounds. 
It has no improvements thereon, but lies on navigable wa- 
ter, abounding in fish and oysters. It was received in pay- 
ment of a debt, carrying interest, and valued in the year 
1 789, by an impartial gentleman, at 8001. 

N. B. It has lately been sold, and there is due thereon, 
a balance equal to what is annexed in the schedule. 

g. These three hundred and seventy three acres are 
the third part of undivided purchases made by the deceas- 
ed Fielding Lewis, Thos. Walker, and myself, on full con- 
viction that they would become valuable. The land lies 
on the road from Suffolk to Norfolk, touches, if I am not 
mistaken, some part of the navigable water of Nansemond 
river. The rich Dismal Swamp is capable of great im- 
provement ; and, from its situation, must become extreme- 
ly valuable. 

/;. This is an undivided interest which I held in the 
great Dismal Swamp Company, containing about four 



438 



APPENDIX. 



thousand acres, with my part of the plantation and stock 
thereon, belonging to the company in the said swamp. 

i. These several tracts of land are of the first quality on 
the Ohio river, in the parts where they are situated, being 
almost, if not altogether, river bottoms. The smallest of 
these tracts is actually sold at ten dollars an acre, but the 
consideration therefor not received. The rest are equal- 
ly valuable, and will sell as high, especially that which lies 
just below the Little Kenhawa ; and is opposite to a thick 
settlement on the west side of the river. The four tracts 
have an aggregate breadth upon the river of sixteen miles, 
and are bounded there by that distance. 

k. These tracts are situated upon the great Kenhawa 
river, and the first four are bounded thereby for more than 
forty miles. It is acknowledged by all who have seen 
them, and of the tract containing ten thousand nine hun- 
dred and ninety acres, which I have been on myself, I can 
assert, that there is no richer or more valuable land in all 
that region. They are conditionally sold for the sum 
mentioned in the schedule, that is, two hundred thousand' 
dollars, and if the terms of that sale are not complied with, 
they will command considerable more. The tract, of 
which the one hundred and twenty five acres is a moiety, 
was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself, for, 
and on account of a bituminous spring which it contains, 
of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, 
and is nearly as difficult to extinguish. 

/. I am but little acquainted with this land, although I 
have once been on it. It was received, many years since, 
in discharge of a debt due to me from Daniel Jenifer Ad- 
ams, at the value annexed thereto, and must be worth 
more. It is very level ; lies near the river Poiowmac. 



APPENDIX. 



439 



m. This tract lies about thirty miles above the city of 
Washington, not far from Kitoctan. It is good farming 
land, and by those who are well acquainted with it, I am 
informed that it would sell at twelve or fifteen dollars per 
acre. 

n. This land is valuable on account of its local situation 
and other properties. It affords an exceeding good stand 
on Braddock's road from Fort Cumberland to Pittsburgh ; 
and, beside a fertile soil, possesses a large quantity of nat- 
ural meadow, lit for the sithe. It is distinguished by the 
appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action 
with the French, in the year 1754, was fought. 

p. This is the moiety of about two thousand acres which 
remains unsold, of six thousand seventy one acres on the 
Mohawk river, Montgomery county, in a patent granted 
to Daniel Coxe, in the township of Coxborough and Car- 
olina, as will appear by deed, from Marinus Willet and 
wife, to George Clinton, late governor of New York, and 
myself. The latter sales have been at six dollars an acre 
and what remains unsold will fetch that or more. 

p. The quality of these lands and their situation, may be 
known by the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along 
with the patents. They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; 
one tract near the mouth of the Little Miami ; another 
seven, and the third ten miles up the same. I have been 
informed that they will readily command more than they 
are estimated at. 

(j. For the description of those tracts in detail, see Gen. 
Spotswood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to 
them. Beside the general good quality of the land, there 
is a valuable bank of iron ore thereon, which, when the 



440 



APPENDIX. 



settlement becomes more populous, and settlers are mov- 
ing that way very fast, will be found very valuable, as the 
Rough creek, a branch of Green river, affords ample wa- 
ter for furnaces and forges. 

lots, viz. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON. 

r. The two lots near the capitol, in square 634, cost me 
nine hundred and sixty three dollars only; but in this 
price 1 was favoured, on condition that I should buiidtwo 
brick houses three stories high each ; without this reduc- 
tion the selling prices of these lots would have cost me 
about one thousand three hundred and fifty dollars These 
lots, with the buildings on them when completed, will 
stand me in fifteen thousand dollars at least. 

s. Lots N os - 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eastern Branch, 
are advantageously situated on the water; and although 
many lots much less convenient have sold a great deal 
higher, I will rate these at twelve cents the square foot 
only. 

ALEXANDRIA. 

t. For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused three 
thousand five hundred dollars. It has since been laid off 
into proper sized lots for building on, three or four of 
which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a 
foot on the street ; and this price is asked for both fronts 
on Pitt and Prince streets. 

WINCHESTER. 

u. As neither the lot in the town or common have any 
improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price ; but 



441 

APPENDIX. 

as both are well situated, it is presumed the price annex- 
ed to them in the schedule is a reasonable valuation. 

BATH. 

v. The lots in Bath, two adjoining, cost me to the best 
of my recollection between fifty and sixty pounds, twen- 
ty years ago; and the buildings thereon 1501. more. 
Whether property there has increased or decreased in its 
value, and in. what condition the houses are, 1 am igno- 
rant ; but suppose they are not valued too high. 
STOCK, 
v>. These are the sums which are actually funded, and 
though no more in the aggregate than seven thousand 
five hundred and sixty six dollars, stand me in at least ten 
thousand pounds, Virginia money; being the amount of 
bonded and other debts due tome, and discharged during 
the war, when money had depreciated in that rate ; tO^and 
was so settled by public authority. 

x . The value annexed to these shares is what they ac- 
tually cost me, and is the price affixed by law ; and al- 
though the present selling price is under par, my advice 
to the legatees, for whose benefit they are intended, espe- 
cially those who can afford to lie out of the money, is, that 
each should take and hold one ; there being a moral cer- 
tainty of a great and increasing profit arising from them 
in the course of a few years. 

y. It is supposed that the shares in the James River 
Company must also be productive ; but of this I can give 
no decided opinion, for want of more accurate informa- 
tion. 

z. These are the nominal prices of the shares in the 
tanks of Alexandria and Columbia ; the selling prices 
57 



442 



APPENDIX 



vary according to circumstances ; but as the stock usual- 
ly divides from eight to ten per cent, per annum, they 
must be worth the former, at least, so long as the banks 
are conceived to be secure, although circumstances may 
sometimes make them below it. 

The value of the live stock depends more upon the 
quality than quantity of the different species of it; and 
this again upon the demand and judgment, or fancy of 
purchasers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799. 



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